The daily Nebraskan. ([Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-current, October 31, 1969, Page PAGE 2, Image 2

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    PAGE 2
. Nebraskan e ditorial page
Campaign promise of Black capitalism is empty
Student mover
lias to choose
It used to be that students with a social cons-
cience were more or less one small but happy
. -. family, united against the Vietnamese war, racism,
outdated and irrelevant university education. They
resented the isolation and insensitivity of the
;; ", university toward growing problems in the society
outside its walls.
As it has grown, this family has split even
, , more ways than did SDS at its national convention
- this summer. However, two major wings seem
'J(, to be developing, and concerned students are faced
with the problem of choosing not issues, but the
, methods of dealing with these issues.
i.. . One wing might best be called reformist. This
' faction wants to carry out traditions born with
the Berkeley free speech movement of 1964, a
,;, movement toward student voice in their
universities. This development usually has come
..' . first in social areas, then academic, then moved
to the relationship of the university to the com
munity. In general, members of this group see the
university as wasted potential, on both the in
dividual and institutional level. To an individual,
... they believe, one of the major purposes of a college
education should be to develop sensitivity to the
.."-world and the capacity to think not to regurgitate
-- bodies of knowledge, but to learn to examine with
an open mind past knowledge and current problems
" " and to produce thoughtful, hopefully new and useful
" solutions to them.
They see that the universities as institutions
should have brainpower and money which could
be applied most valuably to current social pro-
blems, and that such involvement also could teach
" students a great deal that would help them as
' "individuals deal with the societal ills that are among
"their main concerns.
Students in this group might sincerely have
participated to change Columbia University's
slumlord policies in New York City or supported
the right of citizens of Berkeley to turn a vacant
lot into a needed park. They ultimately are
dedicated to sweeping reforms of college cur
riculums, to Increase their relevance., to help
students prepare to meet needs of today and
tomorrow, of the American dispossessed.
The second group works on many of the same
Issues, but on the premise that these Issues
ultimately will destroy existing institutions
(including universities). The group has adopted this
stance because it believes the needed changes can
not come about within the social structure which
those Institutions support. Students in this wing
believe revolution must precede the desired social
Every major faction of SDS Is included in
this second group; at the summer fracas each
declared its support of the ideals and policies of
Mao Tse-tung. Members believe violence is the
only ultimate answer, destruction the only way
to open change.
They are joined by small, but extremely vocal
and visible groups endemic to various campuses.
Such a group, according to a column in Thursday's
Nebraskan by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak,
seems to be in control of student dissent at Harvard.
One of its leaders stated that blowing up buildings
might lead to real consideration of problems; he
concluded that nothing else can. A Nebraska student
who spent several days at Cambridge last summer
was disturbed at the readiness of many students
she met to move, to march ,to demonstrate, but
unable to explain to her what any of these were
trying to accomplish.
Although Nebraska has been a fairly quiet
campus, rumblings of both types of student
movements, mainly the former, seem to be In
creasing. However, speeches und discussions at
Time Out. especially with James Blrenbuum and
Carl Davidson, assure thut the different positions
are being thought about on this campus.
Student power movements show no lgn of
abating; as Nebraska becomes more active in them
these choices are likely to develop. Too, the political
scene in the post-college world is shaping along
the same lines. This choice will become relevant
for more and more people.
They are relevant today to students who don't
Like the America they see and want to do something
about it, beginning with the university, their
microcosm. Ttvese students must look carefully at
the directions of student power movements and
goals which shape them and must decide which,
tn conscience and candor, they can support.
7"" Holly Rosenberger
piop barking
- Pass through the revolving doors at the south
entrance of the Union and up the stairs on any
given school day, and you will find that canine
7 breeds are not the only ones who bark.
Running a close second In the race to see
who can bark the loudest man or man's best
friend are the ticket hawkers for this or that
n This week, probably because the Miss Black
America Pageant and the Kosmet Klub show are
-scheduled on the same night, ticket salesmen from
7 both sponsoring groups barraged students who
passed through the main lobby with the incessant
t "hard sell." Such practices are not only raising
th decibel level of the Union atmosphere, but
;,'"' they also are annoying.
In bis inaugural address, the President said
that "to lower our voices would be a simple thing.
Ia these troubled years, America has suffered .
.'from bombastic rhetoric that postures Instead
persuades ... We cannot learn from one another
... until we stop shouting at one another ... so
that our words can be heard as well as our voices."
y. It would be great If all barkers would take
his advice.
And if that fails, it would be in the interests
.,of University students if their representatives in
'T'lhe ASUN instead of temporarily approving girl
scouts organizations persuaded the Union Board
to adopt au ordinance against barking in public.
Kent Cockson
by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak
Washington The latest shakeup in President
Nixon's faltering program of Black capitalism has
saved Secretary of Commerce Maurice Stans from
potential political embarrassment but moved Mr.
Nixon's campaign pledges to the negro ghetto still
further from redemption.
Stans breathed a sigh of relief this week when
Thomas F. Roeser, a young Chicago corporation
executive with superb Republican connections,
allowed himself to be kicked upstairs out of the
directorship of the Commerce Department's Office
of Minority Business Enterprise (OMBE). What
the Administration had feared was Roeser resigning
with a blast exposing the absolute failure to develop
Black capitalism since Jan. 20.
Saved that embarrassment, Stans also is
relieved for the time being of pressure for
a program. Yet, failure to nurture candidate Nix
on's most Innovative proposal cannot be laid at
the door of Maurice Stans, an orthodox Republican
financier ill-equipped for creative undertakings.
Rather, It is symptomatic of a brutal fact: the
utter lack of interest in the Black ghetto by the
occupant of the White House Oval Office.
Republicans who are interested in the ghetto
were distressed early this year when Stans seized
control of Black capitalism by creating OMBE.
They were reassured, temporarily, when Stans
selected Roeser, 41, public affairs officer of Quaker
Oats in Chicago, as OMBE's head.
Roeser, a Republican partisan and ideologically
a conservative, was an ardent Nixon supporter
long before Miami Beach. At the same time, he
had become deeply committed to improving life
in the ghetto through civic work in Chicago. Thus,
Black capitalism was to him a golden opportunity
to involve his party in the ghetto without departing
from Republican principles.
Even if he had enjoyed full backing from Stans
and the Whdte House, Roeser would have been
severely handicapped by OMBE'g grotesque finan
cing. Without any funds of its own, it depends
wholly on the willingness of other agencies the
Office of Economic Opportunity, the Housing and
Urban Affairs Department, and the Health, Educa
tion and Welfare Department to transfer funds
to OMBE programs.
Moreover, Roeser has had no cheer-leading
section In the White House. Dr. Daniel Patrick
Moynihan, who heads the Urban Affairs Council
staff there, is a liberal Democrat with little en
thusiasm for wedding the negro and the business
community. Conservative White House aides seem
bored by the ghetto. Nor has any single Presidential
assistant been given responsibility for Black
Untidiest of all has been Roeser's relationship
with Stans, his boss. When Roeser found $500 million
in other departments' funds that could be used
by OMBE and urged Stans to negotiate with his
counterparts for their transfer, the Secretary flatly
refused to venture into such boat-rocking activities.
The substitute was a press release pledging that
$301 million will be spent through next June. Where
it will come from Is anybody's guess.
Even worse was the conflict between Stans
and Roeser over long-term strategy. As we reported
three weeks ago, Stans blue-pencilled to extinction
Roeser's plan for a quasi-public corporation to
develop ghetto enterprises. Stans has not developed
even a vague substitute in its place. To this hour,
no blueprint for Black capitalism has gone from
the Commerce Department to the White House.
Nor has Roeser distinguished his unhappiness with
Stans' preference for press agent gimmicks over
substantive programming.
With Roeser violating the Nixon administra
tion's unwritten prohibition against exhibiting too
much zeal, his departure from OMBE was preor-
"Greetings You have been chosen by your fellow workers to
fight inflation . .
Relevant requirements
Times are changing?
If you will recall, In my last column I promised
I would devote this week's literary attempt to
a consideration of the Group E (natural science)
I'll admit that this doesn't seem likely to pro
voke a violent demonstration on the part of the
student body or for that matter even keep you
awuke for the next minute and a hull. But I think
you will find If you read on thut there Is a very
special kind of logic thut must be used when dealing
with group requirements.
Argument 1. Group requirements have been
established to "encourage" (the degree of en
couragement depending upon how badly one wishes
to graduate) the student to explore as many areas
of the academic spectrum as possible In order
that he may become a well-rounded and liberally
educated Individual.
Although I feel that there are a few other
more important reasons hiding somewhere in the
depths of faculty politics. I will, for the purpose
of this discussion, accept this traditional argument
In (avor of the group requirements as a valid
one. It does, in fact, have some degree of merit.
To explain the second argument for your con
sideration, ullow me to give a quick synopsis of
the proposed change in the Group E requirement.
Currently it is possible to fill the natural science
requirement without taking a laboratory science
(by taking, for example. Math 114, 115, and Physics
61.) Various other options also promise to open
up as mole courses like Physics 61 are added
to the curriculum. To meet this inyHinding crisis
the Curriculum Committee has proposed a change
In the Group E requirement to stipulate that at
least two semesters (out of three) be spent in
courses that have a lab, unless the student should
choose to take two semesters of math, in which
case only one lab science course would be required.
The effect of this change, combined with the cur
rently existing rules governing the Group E re
quirement, Is to create a requirement that permits
a minimum degree of flexibility and a minimal
opportunity for diverseness on the part of the stu
dent. Argument t. The student Is better off with
a narrow, non-flexible program than one In which
he has the greatest opportunity for individuality
and exploration. This argument would seem to
follow logically In view of the actions taken by
the Curriculum Committee.
Being only a naive student, I cannot reconcile
these two arguments which seem to say two dif
ferent things about the same thing. Perhaps so
meone can enlighten me on this point.
At any rate, the Arts and Sciences Advisory
Board is currently studying this problem and I
feel that they may well have found a solution
that will allow for much greater flexibility but
will still be acceptable to the faculty, If not, I
hope that some form of compromise might be
reached thut will be of benefit to all parties con
cerned and that will serve as another (if indeed
rather small i step in the Improvement of the
educutionul system at Nebraska.
Don Stenberg
Student Member
Curriculum Committee
dained by mid-September. Stans succeeded last
week in avoiding Roeser's resignation by getting
him to accept a "policy-making" job as his assis
tant for minority enterprise.
Roeser's successor at OMBE Is negro Abraham
Venable, a hon-Reoublican civil servant not ex
pected to follow Roeser's example In prod ling
Stans. Actually, Venable is expected to be a Black
front man while OMBE is run by Anthony Chase,
quietly transferred from Stans own office to
OMBE's No. 2 post. Chase, who ran for Congress
from the state of Washington last year, is even
less likely than Venable to cause trouble.
In fact, the only reason for hope is Sam Wyly,
a very rich young (35) computer tycoon from Dallas
who has been named head of OMBE's advisory
council. Liberal-leaning Wyly, who personally con
tributed wel over $100,0C0 to Richard Nixon's 1968
campaign, actually has access to the Oval Office
one reason why Stans was not overjoyed by his
Clearly somebody perhaps Wyly must
penetrate the protocol curtain to stir the President
from his solitary splendor and remind him of cam
paign commitments to the ghetto. Otherwise, the
future of Black capitalism will surely be more
bureaucratic shuffles and no fulfillment.
Soul gab
Black economics
must be real
by Kenneth Secret
In the past Black people have been mislead
by whites to believe that their economic status
was merely accidental. They were swayed into
thinking that economic disposition was economic
deprivation. Within the context of deprivation, it
symbolizes that the reason black people were
"ghettoized" was mere circumstance derived from
their own economic errors.
Black people were brought to America as
enslaved colonists for the American imperialist col
onial government. The effects of slavery were not
actually vivid until the shackles were removed
and the Black man remained stagnant because
of racism. The Black man's only alternative for
survival was to become economically dependent
upon his imperialistic oppressor for survival. The
phrase "economically dependent" should be utilized
instead of economically deprived.
Black people also were disillusioned by the
white man into thinking the mere change of class
as upward social stratification would improve their
"ghettoized" predicament.
Black people have now come to realize that
their ghettoized phenomena is not a result of their
own economic deprivation and economic Ignorance
but of American imperialistic colonial racism. In
order to break away from this colonialism, Black
people have denounced the symbols of their Im
perialistic oppressor. Trey have denounced
patriotism, nationalism, white society and con
formity to white culture, all of this to consummate
"lack identity.
But after appropriation of Black identity, Black
Brothers and Sisters yet had to find some way
to blockade their identity from imperialistic racism,
and further colonization in essence, to become
economically independent. Thus Black people art
able to combat in unity against American im
perialism and intervention, having the ability to
determine their own destiny. This is economic Black
Black people also have become cognizant that
the myth of class struggle and upward social
strati! icution as a remedy for "ghettoized" Black
is a "white" lie. Blacks are now aware that It
Is a race struggle and white racism is the cause
of their economic dependence. Black ghettoes are
not just accidental dilemma, but are planned
reservations for colonized Blacks.
In the Black ghettoes today there are whit
and Jewish bloodsuckers sucking money Black
economic circulation. It is evident that with this
kind of economic racism by pigs, Black people
cannot prosper. In the ghetto economy the Black
people are 99 per cent consumer. To become in
dependent, black people must begin to control
market of their own economy and other things
that directly impinge upon them.
Black people are now applying coercion on
the Jewish and white bloodsuckers to purify their
economic practices. In this process of purification,
the Imperialistic bloodsuckers must either come
around or get knocked around. White colonial
economists call this absurd and out of balance
with the autonomous economy. This assertion pro
ves American imperialists' desire to sustain the
black colony.
America Justifies Its revolution against Britain
on the premise thut It was a strike for Independence
and a right to determine Its own destiny. We
brothers justify our struggle on that same basis.
We too shall become advocates of revolution'
if our Independence is not peacefully recognized.
We will have our economic Independence from col
onial imperialistic racism, and if not, the failure
of America to submit will evolve to its revolu
tionary termination; and In revolution one wins
or one dies.
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