THURSDAY, OCTOBER 9, 1969
PAGE 2
THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
Anti-trippers trip
The death of Art Linkletter's daughter Diane,
attributed by her father to drugs, following close
on the heels of a lenghty examination of "Drugs
"arid the Young" in Time magazine, is an assurance
that the "Drug Problem" will loom large in the
" minds of the middle-aged, at least for awhile.
Linkletter Wednesday called on parents to warn
-their children against the dangers of drugs.
---" 4.j want tne parents, and I want their kids,
"to read about this and be shocked, be frightened
-at what can happen," he said in ,a newspaper
story by the Associated Press.
mi
Definitely parents and children alike should
be shocked at what can happen. However, they
..also should become aware of what does happen,
;;and why it happens.
Drugs, like alcohol, can be a frightening thing.
'.'Even a mild, non-addictive hallucogenic drug such
as marijuana can produce a psychological
dependence. This dependency is much like that
"sometimes caused by alcohol, and sometimes leads
" users to less predictable addictive drugs.
r Still, what Time called "a growing band of
responsible advocates of legalization (of mari
juana)" realize that drug use, especially of marl
..Juana, has grown to a point where anti-drug
legislation might well be as ludicrous and inef
fective as Prohibition. Legal controls could help
.prevent the dangers of unscrupulous sellers who
'peddle marijuana mixed with addictive drugs or
chemical compounds still more dangerous than
mesculine, LSD or amphetamines.
, . Linkletter called on parents to begin a barrage
rf anti-drug education, stressing repetition. Both
, one-sided and repetitive education have proven
completely Ineffective on today's young person.
Raised on a school diet of pure patriotism,
young people look around and realize facts prove
that the extravagant claims of justice, equality
and freedom are empty words. Such disillusionment
has produced the equal extravagance of the ex
treme left, of revolution and anarchy, because the
discrepancy seems too big to fight. ,
In the same way, extravagant claims against
drags don't match with reality. The college student
sees friends who smoke marijuana but never get
addicted to it or any other drug; see, dad, pot
doesn't lead straight to heroin.
One of the most effective anti-drug commercials
-hows people all for drugs, then people all against.
, "But neither of these is true," the ad continues,
"the only thing we really know about marijuana
is that you can get five years for it."
. Parents who make unfounded, blanket
statements about drugs need be disproven only
once to rip the whole blanket to shreds.
As the so-called drug culture grows larger and
'larger, young people should be made aware of
the possible dangers and side effects, even more
of the lack of knowledge about both.
They should be encouraged to consider the fact
;tlKit any drug, like alcohol, is a kind of temporary
escape from everyday life, that it can become
. a too-easy way to ignore personal and societal
problems that cry for solution. They should be
made aware that any such artificial copout holds
' the most potential danger for the people most drawn
't'd it, the emotionally unstable.
""" But exhortation and repetition has never
been, is not and wont be the way to encourage
; serious consideration of potential problems, or the
"weighing of them against pleasures, sensations and
thought processes produced by drug.
Parents will not convice the generation they
call rebellious of anything if they continue to use
the old talking-down attitude. They can present
us with the facts and speculations, and let us
make our own decisions we will anyway, and
might do It better if both sides are brought into
the open. Maybe in such an open atmosphere
parents can learn something, too a lot about
their children and the world that shapes them.
Holly Rosenberg er
DAILY NEBRASKAN
' Sacand alau ata aald at Llncaln, Ma.
Tatannenati 1 Hilar 4J UU, Nm 41-UW. tlnliwM 4'MItt.
taburtDtle ralai MMw aamaitar ar M ar yaar.
PwBlltkad MaMay. Wadnaaday, Tftwtday and Prlday dHa th
Miwol yr mwt darlna; vacation and uam aarlada at M Nt-
kraua Untan, Lineal N.
ftttmaw at Inraratflaflalt frata, NatnMl dvctHMtt Advartlilraj
aarvica.
Ta Bally Nahraaka la a tradant avaHcaHan, Indaaandant at Ma
Unlvanlty at Naftraikat admlnUtratl, tacvlty ana iradant
Idltarlal Start
tar Naaar day Manaainf Hilar Kant Cackiaa, Nam drtar
dim Padaraani Niaht Nam dliara J. L. Schmidt, Day PIHali
dltarlal Aulttant Molly Katanbtraan Aiilitam Newt dliar
Janal Manwalli Saerla Hilar Randy Yarki Ntkraifca Haft
Wrltara Jenn Ovarak, illl Smltharman, tara Schwladar, alary
taacraat, Stava Sinclair, tachitiar Sintn, Linda McClara. Mlka
arntl. Sua Parlay. Sylvia La. Ran WMttan, Caral Andarwar
kalaarapnara Dan Ladaiy. Jan HmIkimt, J mi Daa. Jan
Natlandarft. Mlka Mayman Cavy (altar Sata danklm, fata
Maud, Cannl WHnklar, Saaaa ScMlcntarnalar, Val Marin.
utlnata tlalt
OaalnaM Manaaar Id Icanaaia Latal Ad Manaaar J. L. Schmidt,
Nattanal Ad Manaaar Miraarrl Ann rawni laakkaaaar a
awliai IuiIncm Sacraiary and Safcaartalla Manaaar Janat
aatmaai Cimiiallan Manaaar Jama Sialiari Clartlflad Ad
Manaaar Jima Wayanari Advarlliint Raarananlallvaa J. L.
tenmidl. Marfarat An trawn. Jal Davit, iaa WIIm. LkMa
Nebraskan editorial page
1 '
One cease-fire he favors!
Evans and Novak
Nixon talk 'scares helP out of senate
By Rowland Evans
and Robert Novak
Washington Leaving the White House after
a somber 100-minute talk with President Nixon
last week, one Republican Senator turned to another
and remarked that Mr. Nixon "is talking about
the war just like Johnson used to talk."
What triggered this comparison between Mr.
Nixon and former President Johnson, who was
driven out of office by the war in Vietnam, was
fiartly President Nixon's apparent confidence that
ianol would soon have to enter serious negotiations
to end the war (a conviction of Mr. Johnson's
that was never satisfied).
The other explanation for the Senator's remark
comparing the two Presidents was Mr. Nixon's
flat assertion during the long session over coffee
in the Oval Office that he would never sacrifice
the nation's long-range interest by "bugging out"
no matter how far he went down in the polls
even if he dropped all the way (he said with
a wry smile) "to 5 percent."
That, too, sounded to the dozen Republican
Senators on the evening of Sept. 30 Just like the
Lyndon Johnson of two years ago, six months before
be astonished the nation with his no second term
announcement.
Even more Interesting to some of those present,
however, was something else Mr. Nixon said. Asked
by Sen. Edward J. Curnry of Florida why the
United States did not apply enough m Hilary power
"to win the war," Mr. Nixon replied thut the
military option was still open.
He emphasized that the last thing he wanted
to do was to exercise that option, but said the
option had to be kept alive until the North Viet
namese entered serious negotiations.
At that, another of the Republicans present
asked what the President meant by the "military
option" a renewal of the bombing of the North,
Including such targets as the docks In Haiphong
harbor, or did he mean a military invasion of
North Vietnam?
In his response, Mr. Nixon hedged, but
acknowledged that the military "option" might in
clude all that.
Whereupon, another of the Republicans said
he hoped there wouldn't be any public speculation
from the Administration on re-Americanizing the
war. The Republicans, he said, were already in
a political bind over the war and talk about military
reescalatlon would only make it worse. Mr. Nixon
replied that he understood that point.
Later, two of the Republicans who heard Mr.
Nixon that evening told us that they were deeply
distrubed. One said flatly: "He scared the hell
out if me."
In hard fact, however, it is unlikely that Presi
dent Nixon would suddenly change the whole direc
tion of his careful strategy to de-Americanize
or Vietnamize the war. In the first place, it
is too early to know how fast that process, which
has been national policy for only six months, can
move how fast U.S. troops can be withdrawn
and replaced by Saigon's troops.
But more Important, the President knows that
any switch to military escalation by the U.S. would
cripple hlg Administration before the end of Its
first year and wreck his own party.
Accordingly, the Johnson-style talk from Mr.
Nixon last week seems to have been mainly a
psychological ploy directed both at Hanoi and at
restive Republicans in Congress now publicly
breaking away from the Nixon leadership on the
war.
Mr. Nixon has been around long enough to
know that no conversation with as many as a
dozen or more Senators can stay private for long,
particularly when its important aspect is a revela
tion of the Presidential mood and not any hard,
classified information.
Thus, to Hanoi, by this reasoning, Mr. Nixon
was conveying a calculated message of his growing
Impudence In a way that would carry more convic
tion than a public statement, and that would not
expose him to the political criticism of a public
statement.
And to restive Republican politicians, Mr. Nixon
was in effect warning that if they do not support
his Vietnamization plan, and show Hanoi a united
front at least of Republicans, the result may be
far worse.
If this Is an accurate appraisal of what the
President was trying to accomplish on Sept. 3,0
it shows clearly how tenuous his bargaining position
with both Hanoi and his own party here at home
has become. Like Mr. Johnson before him, he
may be finding it Impossible to pacify both South
Vietnam and his own country at the same time.
Plaid ntarprltaa. Inc.
Incline btlow
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world, tintibtn
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A toohfr flierr.
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villain
hopes tnJits
rhor. f'lrf our own
C0lrya
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MM..MMM, Ml.kAdnMdA
Aardvork! AarJvof-k! Runl Ha Ha Ha Gullible hos They'll never learn.
eroes
in tin
in the seawee
... by Jim Evinger
The questions raised by members of the Lincoln
press at a local press conference this week about
the October 15 Moratorium all pointed toward a
pervasive attitude In the Lincoln community about
the Moratorium, that attitude being the reluctance
of the local citizenry to allow the Moratorium to
be anything but a "campus incident."
The reporters questioned how broad-based the
October 15 activities in Lincoln will be. They ques
tioned if there would be a responsive show of
support by the non-student, non-faoulty population
of this city.
Those reporters were proper In asking what
commitment the local citizenry has made thus far
for that day. They were wrong In Judging a lack
of visible support as an indication that there Is
no community support for the Moratorium.
And such a presentation to the Lincoln com
munity of the efforts that have been mainly
campus-centered will only create a self-fulfilling
prophecy that will discourage any community s'how
of concern visible, vocal or otherwise.
Nebraskans are rather latent in their support
for any issue or personality. Acknowledging th
fact that this is the heartland of Nixon support,
there is at least tacit consent for the goal of
ending the Vietnam war among these people.
This is whai the Moratorium is all about. It
will be highly significant if a large number of
University students and faculty display visible sup.
port for the Moratorium by marching to the Capitol
and participating in the vigil on October 15. If
that be all, the Moratorium will have been signifi
cant but ineffective.
For the Moratorium to truly mean something
for the entire community, state and nation, Lincoln
citizens and press will have to lend their support.
The nature of that support can best be
determined by those people themselves. U.S.
senators, including George McGovern, Edmund
Muskie, Edward Kennedy and William Fulbright,
have announced they will not attend legislative
sessions on October 15. The mayor of Buffalo,
New York, has proclaimed his city an official
participant, and announced there will bo a rally
at the steps of city hall, according to Time
magazine.
This week Time reports of businessmen's rallies
scheduled in Chicago and on Wall Street in New
York CUy. Religious groups nationally have also
endorsed the Moratorium, urging church members
to participate. For some this means simply wearing
black armbands that day; for others, it means
writing letters to local papers.
The president of Rutgers University several
weeks ago consented to suspend all classes and
personally conduct a discussion with students on
the war.
We each operate In our Individual sphere of
Influence and only by exerting that individual
pressure around the nat'on can there be
legitimate claim that the people want the war
over.
If the Lincoln community is not part of the
local efforts to end U.S. Involvement, then the
activities will be indigenous to the University
population in Lincoln.
To make a difference, all citizens must
demonstrate their support in their own ways Tho
success and effect of Lincoln's Moratorium ac
tivitles must not be determined solely by warm
bodies gathered at a vigil on the iteps of the
Nebraska State Capitol building
Open forum-
Dear Editor:
Viet Nam! We are there.
Very few like it, but we are
there. The question no longer
Is, "Should we stay?" but
"how do we get out?" Many
Americans are dying and no
one can give a satisfactory
answer why, but everyone
wants us to get out. The
alternatives are easy in
theory, but difficult in prac
tice. Ho Chi Minn Is dead, and
those who are replacing hint
are avowed enthusiasts of the
doctrine International revolu
tion. Pressures from the
Idealists and oppressed
Negro cry to the President to
bring the boys home. The
President will have to com
ply to save himself, If for no
other reason. He has pledged
himself to that goal and
stated that he expects to be
held strictly accountable for
that pledge. How can he
bring them home?
He can retreat. "Bug-out."
Bring alll the men back as
fast as he Is able. This leaves
a poorly prepared South
Vietnamese army to assume
the entire defense, which
they will son have to do
anyway. At the present time
the Vietnamese forces surely
would not be able to withs
tand the onslaught thut would
ensue, and thousands of
Vketnam?se vMi suffer the
same fate as the 2.000 that
were mass murdered at Hue
during the Tet offensive.
On the international scene,
which the idealist and peace
loving youths do not want to
consider, the faith in the
United States find In hr
word would be void. Even
Heath in England and tin
Prime Minister of Sweden,
both bitter war critics, admit
that they would have to
reassess their own reliances
on the United State's treaties
and pronouncements.
If we don't care about any
settlement in Vietnam and
bring the troops home, what
will happen to the peoples of
Cambodia, Laos and
Thailand? These people care
what government rules them
and possess a national spirit.
Even today they are set upon
by the same people we are
fighting In Vietnam. Do we
Just walk away bhwlng
kisses goodby?
The President can
withdraw. He is. Rowland
Evans said in a speech here
that the withdrawal Is not
fast enough because
pressures will not permit the
President to follow his plan.
The plan call for withdrawal
at a pace to force Hanoi to
come seriously to the
bargaining table. If this
could happen, a semblance of
peace might come to
Southeast Asia for the first
time in more than, SO years.
However, any fool can see
U is asinine for Hanoi to
bargain now) given a little
more time, the marchers will
do the fighting for them.
More than likely tb
marchers and Hanoi will win,
and the President win be
forced to bring the men home
too soon, leaving a vacuum
into which only mora blood
will flow. But we don't care.
It won't be American blood.
The idiots were dumb enough
to believe we wouldn't desert
tlvam,
iHaRyberf
r
