THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1969
PAGE 2
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Toward a more perfect withdrawal
One needs to look at President Nixon's troop
cutback and draft proposals in the light of two
basic premises: Now is the time to get out of
Vietnam, and the draft needs complete reform and
revision.
The arguments for getting out of Vietnam are
not new: While intervening to-assure the in
dependence of South Vietnam, we have apparently
sacrificed much of our own independent tradition
by supporting a dictatorship in South Vietnam
which has neither the will nor ability to govern
democratically.
And the war still drags on after five yeart
of fighting, taking from 150 to 200 or more American
lives a week.
Or, as Sen. George McGovern says, when 15
million Americans suffer from malnutrition, "it
is time to quit killing Asians and to begin feeding
Americans . : . the war is costing a widespread
loss of confidence in ourselves and on the part
of others around the globe as to our prudence
and humanity."
10 years to get out
So, Nixon's proposal to withdraw 35,000 troops
by Dec. 15 Is a good sign, but much more needs
to; be done. If completed, the latest withdrawal
will mean 60,000 troops brought home this year.
At that rate, it'll take about 10 years to get all
American troops out of Vietnam.
Then there's the draft. Nixon must be given
a good deal of credit for canceling the November
and December calls. And his proposal to have
a draft lottery for one year and the drafting of
19 years-olds first at least will let students make
definite plans after college graduation.
But the draft, forcing a person to submit to
the will of others, isn't justifiable.
Much of the violence and passion in the country
today, especially on college campuses, arises from
the draft the threat to students and others of
being conscripted to fight the war.
Alternative to draft
The alternative to the draft is compensation
for service high enough to attract volunteers.
Such a system would increase the federal
budget, but it should be thought of more as a
transfer of income from civilian working power
lost by draftees.
Even today, three-fifths of the Army, nearly
an the Marines, Navy and Air Force are volunteers
(granted, some are draft-induced volunteers), as
are most of higher-ranking noncommissioned of
ficers and 90 per cent of commissioned officers.
A volunteer, professional military force can
work.
So, Nixon gets a plus for taking a good step,
but he still has a long way to go.
Vebraskan editorials
Will lulling by mistake create trial by error?
by Frank Mankiewlcs
and Tom Braden
Washington The trial of the Green Berets
accused of murder in Vietnam seems likely
further embarrass the U.S government in this most
embarrassing of wars.
If the American public blushed at revelations
toat Americans shot prisoners during World War
II, consider how it will react to the unraveling
of bureaucratic infighting which led to murder by
mistake.
The fac that Col. Robert Rheault has engaged
Edward Bennett Williams, possibly the best-known
trial lawyer in the country, to defend him against
the Army's charges is proof, if any were needed,
that the trial will be both highly publicized and
hard fought.
Infighting at high echoelons
The Army hoped that the Central Intelligence
Agency would call a halt to the trial on the ground!
Words
upon
a concert
WORDS UPON A CONCERT
by Victor Lewis
The group was the Bobby Hutcherson-Harold
Land quintet. Ills thing was jazz; his bag was
progressive.
If ycu were looking for a beat and a melody
that you heard on the radio or on one of your
father's old Harry James albums, you were un
doubtedly gravely disappointed. Progressive jazz
is not like that.
Many have a difficult time trying to snap their
fingers to this type of jazz. This is because the
rhythmic pulse is felt, not displayed or used &s
a metronome to guide an audience's tapping feet
and snapping fingers.
Progressive jazz
Progressive jazz caters to a certain group of
people; this group is relatively small. This type
of audience consists of people who have passed
the fundamental stages of listening to jazz. These
people are in a position where they can reach
past face values and dig what the cats are saying
as a group and as individuals. I mean really get
down and dig, cause that's what it's all about,
It's deep, man.
As a group the quintet was a very mellow
type of group with a good sound.
The musicians worked well together. A sense
of communication was present in the air,
harmonizing a varied mass of deep feelings con
tributed by each musician through his playing.
These feelings formed a pattern, when distributed
back to the musicians provided a network of
tangents followed by every musician of the group
like a map. This is a map created by the musicians,
spontaneously on the spot.
But don't get me wrong, there Is a framework.
This is a framework made up of chord progressions
and Jin abstract melody. This sets the mood. With
the mood established, the improvising starts; then
comes the communication.
As Individuals, the players' abilities varied.
The sax man was very good, sporting a very
difficult style. His style is similar to the late and
highly respected John Coltrane, and to the present
day Wayne Shorter, sax man with the great Miles
Davis quintet.
Bobby Ilutcherson was just out of sight. Good
technique, an excellent use of notes and chords,
and a fantastic way of getting around his vibes
are all credits to his ability.
Bass man "tuff,
The bass man (although It was hard to tell
because of Inadequate amplification) was really
a "tuff dude." He was phenomenal on his bass.
The bass player may have been new in the group,
Indicated by the fact that he was reading charts.
But Je was cooktn Just the same.
Yhe drummer seemed to be the weakest
me&DLer of the group. He was unorthodox In his
sty which, far from being to his advantage,
but'Jiresented hangups. Although he promoted some
j;oo licks, he didn't complement the group as
inucti as he should have. Bobby may have felt
that way at times, Judging by searching looks
be would give the drummer.
The piano player was definitely on his Job.
He knew what was happening all the time, and
he had the mind and ability to really produce.
Of an ending chord one can say that the Bobby
JSutdierson-Haru-ld Land quintet really has Its stuff
together and can really hold its own in the pro
gressive bag.
of national security. But the agency has taken
the view that it hah no objection to full disclosure.
This can only mean that CIA Director Richard
Helms is determined to back up his Vietnam station
chief, and that the station chief is very angry
indeed.
There are two questions about the trial which
have not been answered In public. The questions
lead to at least a sketchy explanation of what
took place.
1 Why did the CIA decide for the first
time In recent history to hold a background press
briefing to deny that it was invilved
2 Why did Gen. Creighton Abrams, Army
commander in Vietnam, find it necessary to take
steps leading to a public trial steps which in
cluded solitary confinement of five men including
a colonel before they were even charged?
At first, Abrams was inclined to hush up the
affair. But after CIA had blown the whistle, panic
set in. The thing seemed to big to stop.
A little history is In order. In late 1963. the
Green Berets took over a CIA operation aimed
at persuading the Montagnards to deny their hilltop
villages to the Viet Cong, who were using them
as bases.
CIA had been providing arms to these
tribesmen who have no allegiance to either the
Viet Cong or the Thleu government, but who, for
profit, were willing to keep out the VC.
Actually, the plan did not work out well. With
typical Army throughness, the Green Berets tried
to persuade the Montagnards to go on the offensive
to join the war. In this, the tribesmen had
no interest whatever, but they did provide the
base fir the Intelligence operation into Cambodia
in which Col. Rheault and his men were engaged
when they were suddenly arrested.
"Tender" Beret handling
When they took over the operation, the Green
Berets also took over a CIA agent. They late
believed that he had "turned." In the course of
their tender handling, he died.
CIA disagreed with the Army assessment of
its protege and, more innpirtant, with the Army
action. From the station chief's standpoint, a brave
and loyal agent had been murdered. He was furious.
The result of his fury will be an embarrassing
public trail unless someone Army Secretary
Stanley Resor, Defense Secretary Melvin Laird,
or perhaps the President himself steps in to
halt it.
Bureaucratic struggles between intelligence
agencies are not new. During World War II, Army
G-2 frequently complained about William J.
Donovan's OSS. And during the Cold War, the
number of agents tripping over each other's heels
In Eastern Europe led to Soviet Premier
Krushchev's famous remark to the late CIA Chief
Allen W. Dulles, "Of course we have much in
common. We read each other's reports."
But both World War II and the Cold War were
pubplar wars. Ideology confronted ideology, and
whatever the mistakes, most Americans thought
it Important that our side win.
Vietnam Is not the same thing. A bungled war,
further bungled by bureaucratic rivalry leading
to a bungled murder, Is not likely to be admired.
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Sen. Edmund Muskie
One less war saves $5-$10 billion
As I write this column, the Senate Is moving
into the final days of debate on the Military
Authorization Bill. At no time in my memory has
the Senate discussed such legislation as critically
and in such detail as it has this year. The Armed
services Committee cut Defense Department re
quests from $22 billion to $20 billion, a reduction
of $2 billion.
Beginning with the debate over the Safeguard
Antilballistic Missile syste, critics have attached
a variety of requests, including authority to buy
an additional squadron (23 planes) of the C-5A
OBviouSLy
WERE BEHIND
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"If we do not reduce our
general forces we cannot
make any major cuts in our
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super transport, authority to build a nuclear
aircraft carrier, funds for a manned bomber, mone
aircraft carrier, funds for a manned bomber, money
for a new Navy fighting plane (the F-14) and
money for an airborne radar advanced warning
and control system.
Part of the argument against each of the re
quests relates to the need for the equipment; part
of the argument Is based on the desire to cut
military spending to make more money available
for education, health, pollution control, welfare and
other needed domestic programs.
Because I feel so strongly that we must
move to improve our cities and small towns and
to give all Americans a better chance to achieve
their goals, I was tempted to vote for all of the
outs. At the same time, I did not believe it made
sense to vote against any defense request unless
such a vote was consistent with our national in
terests. As a result, I voted for some cuts and
against others.
Save now, budget later
The total savings resulting from the Senate
actions, this year, will not make amajor difference
to our national budget. The fact that the Senate
subjected the defense request to detailed examina
tion Is terribly significant, because it means that
the Department of Defense will not get a blank
check for Its requests.
HHA THE STEPPED
UP THE WAR fAT
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THAT IT WAS NECSMW
To SWD ml US. 1R00PS
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NOT content with
INTO OUR OVtftf
HMUM&D united
ttrvrrs andbe&mi
ltJcTMG RIOTS IK
THE GHETTO AREAS
Of OUR BOr ClTiES.'
But, if we are going to really cut defense
spending, we need to go behind Individual proposal!
for planes, missiles, ships and armament to the
basic decisions which determine the size of our
general forces.
About 60 of our $80 billion defense budget
ds spent on general forces. That expenditure, In
turn, Is based on our treaty commitunents around
the world. We are prepared, at this time, to fight
two major wars and one minor war at the same
me.
The assumption on which the policy Is based
(that is, the possibility of amajor war in Europe
and a major war in Asia, plus a small war
the southern hemisphere) was adopted years ago.
Not what they used to be
Conditions have changed. If we do not reduce
or modify our commitments we cannot reduce our
general forces. If we do not reduce our general
forces we cannot make any major cuts In our
defease budget.
Two alternatives are open to us: (1) we may
rely more heavily on tactical nuclear weapons In
a major military engagement; or (2) we may cut
troop levels.
The first is undesirable because it would tend
to escalate a minor Incident to a major nuclear
war. The second can provide a more realistic
allocation of our resources for national defense
and domestic development.
Expert estimates Indicate savings In the order
of $3 to $10 billion annually If we were to change
our contingency formula to one major and one
minor war.
Such a policy change should not be made light,
ly. We need to look at the implications of such
changes for our own security and that of our allies.
But we need to look hard and long at the
possibility of a "contingency plan" change if we
have any hoipe of preventing further astronomical
increases in our defense budget. The Military
Authorization Bill should makr the beginning, not
the end, of the defense debate.
DAILY NE I! It ASK AN
Stcond cImi pottigi I4 if Lincoln, Nk.
Taltphontu tailor 471-3MI, Ntwi 4'MMf, luilnni 47MSH.
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rubllthtd Monday, Wtdnaaday, Thurday and Friday durlnf IM
chool yaar txctpt durlnf vacation! at 14 Nabraika Union,
Lincoln, Nab.
Momcor el lntarsllaglal Prttl, National KJiKaliMval Advwlltlna)
tarvica.
Tht Dally Ntferatkan It 1 tludtrrl publication, Indapanoarrt f Hi
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