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WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1969
PAGE 2
THE DAILY NEBRASKA
Conservative
or liberal?
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The question most often asked the editor
of the Dally Nebraskan since being appointed
in May has been, "Will the paper be liberal,
conservative or middle-of-the-road."
This is impossible to answer.
First, one must differentiate between news
and editorial pages. The Nebraskan staff will
try to give readers an objective, impartial report
of campus and campus-related events on the
news pages, and strive to present a wide range
of commentary and opinions of events and issues
on the editorial page.
The editor does not plan to select liberalism
or conservatism as a policy and base his thinking
around a single point of view. An objective for
the semester will be to write edotlrals only after
considering all sides to an issue. Readers'
criticisms, opinions and Ideas are invited.
It will be up to the Nebraskan readers,
however, U determine the editor's philosophical
views. At times, they will probably be termed
"liberal"; at other times "conservative."
Perhaps it was Joseph Pulitzer who best
characterized the role of an editor. He warned
editors to keep a constant vigil and "protect
the public interest," but to remember their
privilege to agree with the majority.
Fairground parking
fair to commuter?
There seems to be only one way accurately
to describe the parking situation on campus
a mess.
The closing of 500 parking spaces south of
Nebraska Hall for a new engineering complex
and the opening of a 963-car lot at the State
Fairgrounds has caused a major Inconvenience
for commuter students.
The campus-fairground shuttle bus service
leaves much to be desired. The published route
map lists "frequent runs" of "between 5 and
10 per hour." This means a student could have
to wait more than 10 minutes for a bus. Add
a ride of about five minutes and another five
minutes to walk to the car once at the
fairgrounds, a student could spend about 20
minutes getting to his car. This means 40 minutes
n an average a day, or more than three hours
a week.
The shuttle service runs only to p.m. This
meant a 30 minute walk for the student wanting
to spend extra time on campus.
In addition, only one bus pass was Issued
with each parking permit. A commuter must
drive back into campus to pick up additional
passengers.
All this, not to mention a parking fee hike
to $15 this year.
The Dally Nebraskan does not expect parking
! daces across tie street from classrooms, and
t realizes the need for a modern engineering
building.
However, the parking situation shows lack
of planning on the part of administrators. Park
ing garages or underground stalls have been
used successfully on other campuses. Many Big
Eight schools use parking garages. The
University of Nebraska at Omaha is investigating
plans to build garages for as many as 7,300
cars.
With planning, centrally located garages or
underground units could receive maximum use
- such as a garage within easy access of
downtown Lincoln to be used by shoppers on
Saturdays and during the summer.
Parking garages are expensive. Officials in
Omaha believe that stalls being considered there
would cost about $2,000 each to build.
However, with a convieniently located garage
or underground unit, a fee hike would be In
order, and theoretically the stalls eventually
would pay for themselves.
As it stands now, University planners and
administrators take a zero for such poor parking
facilities.
: DAILY NEBRASKAN
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Belfast, Newark, Detroit same story shows up with new faces
by Whtney M. Young Jr.
Editor's Note: Whitney M. Young Jr., ex
ecutive director of the National Urban League,
will write a weekly column for the Daily
Nebraskan.
The story is a familiar one to Americans,
the kind of tale we've become used to.
An oppressed minority Is denied decent
housing, jobs, and equal protection of the laws.
It complains of police brutality and bitter
discrimination. There are demonstrations and
protests.
An incident occurs. Rioting starts. Bands
of young toughs invade the minority community,
beating people at random. The minority group
fights back. Blood flows. The riots spread from
the largest city to smaller ones. Houses burn
to the ground, barricades are erected, special
police squads hoot up minority neighborhoods.
Finally, troops are flown in to restore order.
After a few days, the smoke of battle lifts and
the toll is taken. Eight people are dead, 800
injured.
Representatives of the majority community
are appalled at what happened. They promise
some reforms, but basically they admit they're
just trying to reduce tensions.
"We can't do In three days, what wTTalled
to do In 300 years," one leader says.
The minority is watchful, fearful. Its
members distrust the majority that has op
pressed them. They don't want to take down
the barricades that give them a little protection.
They await the next blows, preparing to defend
themselves while counting their dead and in
jured. A country is torn apart by communal
warfare. The whole world watches, shaking its
head in disbelief, wondering why it all happened,
why the two groups can't see that it's in their
on interests to come together and remove the
social and economic barriers that led to death
and destruuetion.
Yes, this is a familiar story to Americans,
but it's not about America. It's about Northern
Ireland.
The civil rights conflict wasn't between whites
and blacks, but between Protestants , and the
Catholic minority. It wasn't black leadership that
demanded complete equality; it was Irish
Catholic leadership demanding full rights for
Catholics in Northern Ireland.
A familiar story, but one that took place far
from Detroit or Newark. So many of the elements
involved are similar that it is impossible for
an American to view the situation without draw
ing parallels with his own country.
Black people Immediately identified with the
oppressed Catholic minority. They saw people
white people for a change being
discriminated aainst and brutalized. They know
what it's like, and their sympathies went out.
But many white Americans were able to
look at the Irish situation and understand the
legitimate grievances of the Catholic minority.
The irrational American color pejudice was no
longer a factor the oppression felt by the
Catholic minority was immediately felt by many
Americans previously indifferent to the suffer,
ings of the black minority in their own country.
Perhaps this experience will change the at
titudes of these white Americans. I hope they'll
be able to make the menial leap from the Irish
situation to their own, and understand that sym
pathy and support for Irish Catholic civil rights
has to be joined by support for thee demands
for equality by black people here.
Americans of Irish and Catholic backgrounds
especially should note the similarities. One of
the most frustrating things about the American
scene Is the vocal opposition to equality by people
who belong to ethnic groups that have suffered
similar oppression abroad.
Too many people from ethnic groups like
the Irish, Poles, Italians, and othrs have been
in the forefront of opposition to blacks. The
Irish civil rights struggle should bring home
to such individuals the fact that what black
people are seeking is the same dignity and
equality for which their compatriots across the
ocean are fighting.
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIU
Letter policy I
1 To have letters to the editor printed in I
i the paper, readers will be asked to follow 1
several rules:
Signed with the writers full name. A I
pen name or initials will be used upon re- 1
quest. Any student, faculty member or
administrator may obtain the name of a
I person writing under a pen name or initi-
I als if he submits a request in writing to I
I the editor. I
I Typed, double spaced. I
s Addressed to Editor, 34 Nebraska Un-
ion, or brought to the office.
The editor reserves the right, to edit
I letters submitted. I
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House Republicans start to chafe at bit
By Rowland Evans
and Robert Novak
Washington A summer of discontent by
many Republican Congressmen over the slow
pace of troop withdrawals Is about to explode
In a formal proposal to give President Nixon
just 15 months to end U.S. participation In the
war.
A group of House Republicans soon will
circulate a letter soliciting co-sponsors for a
resolution putting a deadline of Dec. 31, 1970,
on the 1964 Tonkin Bay resolution.
That resolution was adopted by Congress
at President Johnson's request on Aug. 10, liKM,
to cope with Communist activity In Vietnam's
Tonkin Gulf. It Is the statutory authority for
waging the conflict without a declaration of
war.
Bring Into open
The Tonkin Bay resolution, of course, will
not be repealed no matter how many Republicans
sign the repeal resolution. But that is not its
real purpose.
What the Republicans want Is to give the
President a clear, public message of their
discontent with the pace of disengagement from
the war.
Throughout the summer, many Republicans
in Congress and some Inside the Administration
have privately grumbled that Mr. Nixon has
listened too much to the U.S. military, the U.S.
Embassy in Saigon and President Thieu of South
Vietnam.
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Where
the
action
is!
This discontent was fanned during the August
recess when voters asked why, so long as the
U.S. hud no Intention of winning the war, don't
we get out right now?
Consequently, when Congress returned, two
young, second-term Republicans Reps. Donald
Riegle, 31. of Michigan and Paul McCloskey,
41, of California began devising a strategy
to test Congressional sentiment.
Others join
More significant, other Republicans not in
the peace vanguard have expressed deep interest
in the Tonkin repeal resolution. Several of these
will join Iticglo and McCloskev in sponsoring
the resolution. Sen. Mark Hatfield of Oregon
has agreed to Introduce it there, and additional
Republican Senate sponsors are being sought.
The strategy behind tho Riegle-McCloskey
move is to avoid overt provocation of the Presi
dent that might make fellow Republicans feel
guilty about disloyalty. Thus, no Democrats are
wanted to sponsor the repeal. Further, a su
ggested provision to set a Dec. 31. 1970, deadline
for mandatory withdrawal of all U.S. troops
was omitted as overly harsh.
The theme of the Republican repeal move
ment Is not so much to criticize the President
as to prod Congress to assert Its Constitutional
prerogatives.
Thus, a draft copy of tho letter to be
circulated says:
"This action should not be Interpreted as
a challenge to the President; on the contrary,
we believe it coincides with his expressed hope
to de-Amertcanlzo the Vietnam war within a
reasonable period of time. We do seek to restore
the Constitutional obligation and responsibility
of the Congress and only the Congress
to determine when this country is to engage
in war."
Pic on President's face
Nevertheless, the repeal movement will be
Intensely embarrassing to the President, a fact
recognized Inside the White House.
Furthermore, there are signs that Vietnam,
the question that wrecked the Democratic party
in 18, I, potentially as divisive an Issue for
the Republicans.
Riegle has found this out. Just before tho
recess, when he completed a floor speech
criticizing Congress for surrendering its Con
slttutlonal responsibility on Vietnam, a veteran
conservative Republican called him an s.o.b.
The fact that President Nixon and the Riegle
Mctloskey group are both heading toward the
same goal disengagement frm Vietnam
probably averts a repetition of Lvndon Johnson's
blood-feud with Democratic Congressmen.
But this new challenge to the Republican
President by juniors In hts own pariy shows
tnal they don't think Mr. Nixon Is moving nearly
fast enough toward the goal he has publicly
set for himself.
