The daily Nebraskan. ([Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-current, May 01, 1969, Page PAGE 2, Image 2
THURSDAY, MAY 1, 1969 :PAGE 2 THE DAILY NEBRASKAN ! - V v v l i '4 J 5 1 1 7 u f. i Save a vote The losing list -- Schmidt piles it on Some students and most faculty have the chance to vote next week in an election of con siderably greater import than ASUN. Voters registered in Lincoln can participate In the City Council election next Wednesday. From the University community, hundreds can express their choice for three vacant Council seats. One of these seats should be filled by Harry "Pete" Peterson. Mr. Peterson, as his record of service to the community indicates, is probably the best of the six candidates. For 10 years a respected member of the Lincoln Police department, Pete is on the boards of directors of YMCA, Goodwill Ind., and on and on. But, even more important than his contributions is the man himself. He has displayed to many Lincoln voters a sense of fairness and knowledge of city government that make it crucial he be elected. Use your other two votes as you will, but save one for Pete. Ed Icenogle Music: "This is the End" by the Doors . . . (Up and under) This is the end, Beautiful friend, This is the end, My only friend, Alas, this is my last chance to take stabs at music and culture as it affects the lives and times of students at the University of Nebraska, in the heart of the conservative Midwest. A word of appreciation to the East Campus for booking Little Anthony and the Imperials. Absolutely one of the best shows I have seen on this campus. They showed a tremendous versatility with everything from his turn of the decade soul right up to contemporary cuts from "Hair." Also, my hat's off to the Beach Boys for their new album, 20-20. It is probably their best since "Pet Sounds," my all time favorite of theirs. "I Can Hear Music" and "Cotton Fields" are the most notable cuts along with several instrumental done in the inimitable Beach Boy style. This album is billed as being for visionarians. Does that fit you? If so, pick up on this album and rediscover the Beach Boys. Now, buckle down and read it like it really is . . . This is THE SCHMIDT LIST. (Name oi artist and reason follows.) These aren't a few of my favorite things. Vying for the top spot were three real biggies ... The Ohio Express for "Yummy, Yummy." The 1910 Fruitgum Co. for "Indian Giver.;' The Archies for "Bang Shangalang." The next three are variable, some people like 'em, some people don't. The Supremes for their upteenth appearance on the Ed Sullivan show. The Buckinghami . for not sticking with radio com mercials. The Box Tops ... let Dylan do It. SPYDER AND THE Crabs, you ain't what you used to be, by any means. The Midwest Sound let cream uo u. "as" " iis . , sing it, don't philosophize about it. Rounding out the groups are, Tommy James and the Shondells . . . "Sweet Cherry Wine." Archie Bell and the Drells for "Showdown." The Cowsiiu for "Hair." Jay and the Americans for anything. Gary Puckett and the Union Gap for "Don't Give In to Him." The Foundations for "Eulld Me Up ." The Classics Four for sounding alike in everything they do. Now we get down to the nitty -jritty with solo artists. Heading the list is Tommy Roe for "Dizzy." Followed by Ray Stevens for "Guitarzan" in spite of the good stuff you did. Next, the old-timer Perry Como for "Here Come the Brides." Glenn Campbell . . when are you gonna' run out of towns? and last, but certainly least, Bing Crosby for, hold on now, "Hey Jude." Honest, I heard it. Music: (Up and out.) This Is the end. Beautiful friend, This Is the end, My only friend, the end. PEACE. Great complex vending machine, its kick It's been Just a year since the Spring Revolution at Columbia, and many of us who were Involved as activists, observers, and reporters are now able to look back at the eruptions with a peacetime perspective. During those months of April and May, 1968, many people were enraged because formal educa tional activities of much of the university had come to a halt. But some of us learned more in those six weeks than we would have if the demonstrations had never taken place. There was a special dimension to our education last spring. It had little to do with textbooks or traditional academic subjects: It dealt with politics, with power, with the way Real Life works. Through elementary and high school, we had grown up with the traditional fables: that major American institutions the government, the university "are delicately balanced structures designed to pro vide the greatest good for the greatest number, that they contain mechanisms to correct any major flaws that might develop. 1 FOR MANY of us, that myth had begun to crumble even before we came to Columbia; the Vietnam war, perhaps more than any other factor, Editor'! note: In Its May 13 Issue, LOOK magazine featured a guest editorial by Jerry L. Avron. Avron is the former editor of the Columbia University Daily Spectator and principal author oi "Up Against the Ivy Wall: A History of the Columbia Crisis." His insight Into campus unrest is outstanding. had made it clear how perverted American policy could become, how the safeguards and corrective mechanisms didn't always work. The war was not the only event that shaped our Ideology of mistrust. We looked at the history of blacks In this country and saw that real change began to take place only after Martin Luther King was thrown into jail for leading "Illegal" sit-ins. We looked at the way American cities had been left to rot and noticed that those In power beoame concerned enough to change tilings only after several summers of bloody rioting. Against this historical background, spring came to Columbia last year. Earlier, students had "presented President Kirk with a petition calling tor the university to disaffiliate from a think tank doing weapons research for the Vietnam war. Kirk had never answered the petition. Construction con tinued on a gymnasium in nearby Harlem parkland, even though many people argued that Columbia had no right to gobble up the open space surroun ding it without consulting the community. BUT THESE ISSUES were only symbols of larger problems that underlay them: the university's growing bondage to Government and mjlltary-related research, and its often heartless expansion Into the surrounding black community. On a deeper level lay the broadest issues we were fighting: the Government's commitment to an evil and senseless war, and the racial prejudice that pollutes American life. Soon after the occupation of the buildings at Columbia, I spoke to middle-aged business ex ecutive about the revolt on campus. "I agree with ;;what you kids want," he assured me, "but why can't you go about getting It In a socially acceptable way?A ". Leaders of the student movement have called this objection the Liberal Hang-up. It appears again and again In the report of the Cox Commission, the blue-ribbon panel set up ;jast spring by the faculty to Investigate the causes of the Columbia demonstrations. The reforms the .students demanded were for the most part flecewary and long overdue, the report conceded, .'.and It was clear that they had little chance of accomplishing anything through ossified "legitimate .Channels." But, the report insisted, the students "tlll should not have resorted to extralegal action '.lo win their demands. ZA great many young people today are Infuriated :: Z DAILY NEBRASKAN . kn4 tna.M pl tl Urnnici, N- .JwiMMnnM Kiln., vi m Km nt mn iti-ia iti juw. )) ,. Mood.) RwtiioMif Thtimltr IH Cridtj tttn Uk n-hMl ' yar rccm tut uu Uui Editorial Staff A iMunil. UaBinj mitt I una I1mIImIiIIii Mim fcriltt Kv!a 1 IN KM Nwft Mtt Kprtf rmrkfl; MitoHcl Awi'Uifl w-tni 4tita w IWMoi rul Howtt Hentfl KJttftt Mark K rfft. Srhianfettit NtH otfw-B fhrt Dvorak Urn dvfeti I'twini wnkie. ut Jifrn Mill Mm'hrm, VMtrhlvm4i u rttjr, Fn jalraH, jimwlt Affcetman, HucbltUr Alnchi t'hutoaraitftwt l LaiMV. UHa Ktn1j Mik HnvmaHi Mnrtt (Mkraplrf H Aant, In N)lwli'lii! p ettiltftra J fc, KfiUtUdt Jfl afr Uavt rM. feia ftotowtexlvr, Susan Maaid. Butties Staff tmo M-ft nn M 4 Mnan Jm! tovlm 1 4ijvnhiln 111 "-titftlvM M.'i Hiwi, Uul til hligu.rt. by the priorities and values that govern American life. We'd like to believe that rational discourse is all that is necessary to right wrongs. But the world we see around us just doesn't bear that out. I was a big fan of the America that I found in my high school textbooks any kid can become President, justice triumphs in the end and I was bitterly disappointed when I saw how poorly it measured up to the truth. SOMETHING HAS GONE wrong; one need only to walk through Harlem or read the daily casualty statistics to be aware of that. And to judge from some of the good and healthy changes that have come from the "illegitimate" protests of the early civil rights movement, the Northern ghetto riots and the Columbia demonstrations, many of us wonder whether the best way to improve things is necessarily the most respectable. The university, like the nation, seems to be like a great, complex vending machine that has become rusted with age: the only way to make It work right la to kick It hard. Some people argue that radical tactics are evil. I, too, am bothered by the violence and abrogation of free speech that have begun to tinge the leftmost edgns of the student movement. And I am worried that civil disobedience is becoming the tactic of choice on many campuses when it should be used only as a last resort I reject the notion of tome ultra-Leftist students that one goal of campus pro. test should be the destruction of tiie university. But I confess that I'm more worried about the kind of damage done to a university by trustees who involve It institutionally in war research than I am about the damage done to it by students who take over its buildings for several days. So I cannot share the righteous Indignation many of my elders feel about campus protest. The anti-war movement faced the same problem: Americans become more upset over burnt draft cards than over burnt babies. It is interesting to see what has happened in the year since the Spring Revolution to the "unrealistic" demands that formed the backbone of the Columbia sit-ins. The students demanded that the university halt construction of its gym in Mornlngslde Park. In March of 1909, Acting President Andrew Cordier and the trustees concur, red that it would be inappropriate to build a gym there if the community did not want one' THE RADICALS HAD argued that the disciplinary structure of the university was authoritarian and unjust. That structure has, in response, been revamped. Discipline is no longer administered unilaterally by a dean; the accused student may appeal to a tribunal of students, pro lessors and administrators. Even the most un thinkable demand of all amnesty has been all but granted, with the university belatedly drop, ping most criminal- and disciplinary punishment pending against demonstrators. There has been another direct by-product of last spring's turmoil the creation of a university senate, domlnted by faculty and students, to make university policy. I know of no one familiar with Columbia who would maintain that these reforms would now be realities if the events of last spring had not happened. Few of us saw last spring as the staunchest SDS Ideologues did as the opening shot in a national revolution. But it did serve the quasi, revolutionary function of shaking up the status quo so thoroughly that a wave of relatively peaceful change could take place. Maybe this is the greatest contribution of the radical and black militant movements: to act as a catalyst of social change by scaring the hell out of those who are so sure that things are good enough as they are. OF COURSE, the possibility remains that all of these "reforms" will, in the end, merely gloss over the basic problems that brought about the revolt. If "reform" turns out to be a veneer, then the future looks pretty dismal. Those of us In my generation who are dwplv committed to creaUve, constructive change (ace an existential choice between radical tactics and withln-the-system reform. Some might stiil be will- lng to work through the accepted political channels - within 1,18 universities and In the world at large. But those who control that system of channels must first convince us that, if we do, genuine change Is possible. Their record has not been good and shows little promise that It will change. If some of the most Idealistic and capable members of my generation end up on the barricades instead of changing things from positions of legitimate power, n W1u because of the Grayson Kirks of this world, not because of its Mark Rudds. p1erhnPs l the real lesson of last spring at Columbia. ' By George Kaufman What's ahead next year at NU Parting shots from a retiring senior with an average trying to sell out on a bum market: Mutuel misunderstanding may la id to an ugly situation on this campus by next fall. FIRST, IT SEEMS that (but hopefully not) the ad ministration does not realize the nature of Its opponent this time In facing the Afro American Collegiate Socie ty This time it Is not a bunch of Nebraska schoolboys crying Save-The-Tree or one ef NU's pale revolutionaries who wid fade Into the woodwork if you hold your breath. Most of the A-ACS leaders are nut from Wausa or Scottsbluff. Moet are from The City and they are hip and hard. Where It would never really occur to a Cor nhusker to "take the building," the Blacks are serious. The Blacks are keeping score closely and they won't be committed to death. It'i unfortunate that a list of actions which would elevate the Blacks on cam pus to equality must be called "demands", and equally unfortunate that Wayne Williams Is 10 in telligent, so articulate, so . . . well, se Nice. To think that Nebraska had to wait 100 years for an intelligent, articulate Black to rise up and "demand" equality. But. that it the way It Is. and a Wayne Williams Is the only hope for success In the Black effort here. THIS BRINGS US to the I e c o n d misunderstanding. Because most of the leaders are from out-of-state, they may not fully realize the nature of the environment. This Is Nebraska, where a clown like Terry Carpenter dominates the llgeslature . . . Nebraska, where sex educa tion in the schools Is attacked because It Is part of the Inter national Communist Con spiracy ... Nebraska, where civic leaders wake up each morning, bow to the South and say in unison "We have no problem here." By now, the A-ACS should be aware of the gross over reaction to the first Innocent demonstration of support they received on campus. It prompted (right here In Nebraska) a legislative bill to cover campus distrubances and several state senators yowled. So they should be aware of what further actions they will trla ger. 8 It's too bad, but the Wayne Williams way Is the only way but ride the adminlstra. Hon hard, don't letup. The only recourse and everyone knows this Is fop the Society to call In the brothers and Tlemann to call In the National Guard, and we both know who wins those games. Bad odds. S. WAYNE IS leaving this spring. If the A-ACS picks another Wayne Williams, there is a good chance of success. The Society has already gotten concessions from the ad poople which many thought Impossible. Gee, someday even whites may be able to participate In choosing their administrators and Instructors. S1 mt 11,11,1,11,1 ''iwiiiiMiHiiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii immiu uie uauy Nebraskin It solely a student-operated nowspaper Independent of editorial control by student govern ment, administration and faculty. The opinion expressed on this pa?e is that of the Nehraskan's editorial page staff. """"""""WMira '''""'Hiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimii,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,! - Wm&Wlth-t HI ikW " V'