MONDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1969
PAGE 2
THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
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History.
Look at that word again. Notice what makes it
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meaningful. Reduced to reality, it is markings surround
ed by white. The markings are black. Were it not
for the markings there would be nothing there. Only
white.
And such is most students' knowledge of history.
it is wnue. wnat you Know is me wnue. nows in
your mind, themes and trends ... all in white.
mis wees you can pui some Diacn manuugs jn
today.
THERE ARE opportunities open daily. Negro art
iisplays, historical displays, NEBRASKAN stories for
contemplation.
If you were to do your thing with Black History
Week, your knowledge of history would no longer be
U white. It would be black and white just like
the word above. '
And as the word takes form through a mixture
of black and white, your understanding of history and
the developments of our time will take more accurate
lorn! through black and white.
MIX THE KNOWLEDGE of white history, so dutifully
taught throughout the educational process, with the
understanding to be attained througu participation in
Black History Week. History can take a relevant form.
The Daily Nebraskan has run, is running, and will
., i i t :u: i : : - Dii.nl.
run stones on tne displays aim pu&aiuumcs vi tia.n.
History Week. By taking the time to digest some of
it. you may get a new outlook on people, places, things.
By the way, if the contrast of black and white frightens
you, don't take part. The damage you do yourself by
understanding can be permanent.
After over a year of legal gymnastics, it is
finally certain that the findings of the Warren
Commission on President Kennedy's assassination
will be tested in a court of law.
Last week New Orleans' flamboyant D.A.,
James Garrison, successfully cleared the last
defense hurdle and began introducing his
"evidence" that Clay Shaw and Lee Harvey Oswald
conspired to murder the President five years ago.
Strange as it may seem both the Shaw trial and
its equally sensational counterpart, the Sirhan trial
in Los Angeles, both bear directly on University
student programming this year.
THOSE STUDENTS still in possession of a
Nebraska Union Speakers brochure will note that
the controversial Mr. Garrison had been scheduled
to speak at the Union on April 1 (some critics
suggested that this "April Fool's Day" appearance
was quite appropriate). Since the Shaw trial will
probably last well into the spring, the union wai
forced to drop him from its calendar. The skeptics
among us wonder how much of a drawing-card
- Garrison will be at the conclusion of the trial.
Ironically, the Sirhan trial may also imping
upon the Union's Speakers Series and force can
cellation of a speech by writer-socialite George
Plimpton on Feb. 20.
Author of PAPER LION and a close friend
of the Kennedys, Plimpton was in the Ambassador
Hotel Ballroom to hear Robert Kennedy's victory
speech and witnessed his assassination. Sirhan's
prosecutors have said Plimpton will be subpoenaed
to testify, which may preclude his appearance at
MANY OLDTIMERS at NU may remember
a "preview" of the Shaw trial presented by author
lawyer Mark Lane in a speech here on Nov. 17,
1967. Lane, you may recall, produced a lucid,
heavily-documented challenge to the Warren Com
mission findings entitled RUSH TO JUDGMENT.
He kept a capacity Union Ballroom crowd en
tranced for two hours as re outlined his objections
tn tho Warron Pn-mmieeuin rrwvrr nnrl rlpfonrlprl
the investigations being conducted by Garrison.
Lane s comments as I reported tnem in tne jjaily
NEBRASKAN the following day.
Lane noted at the outset that he had recently
moved to New Orleans, "because I wanted to know
who killed President Kennedy." With an obvious
reference to the Warren inquiry, he suggested,
"the first serious investigation since the shots were
fired is taking place now in New Orleans."
when THIS investigation is brought into tht
courtroom (via tne bnaw trial), "there will b
a great shock in this country people are ill
prepared for what will happen. They are going
to learn for the first time who killed President
Kennedy, why he was killed and why the federal
guiniuutm uuiu ujuuuu Mjaiua vvuusvu u uwnu
Has acted to suppress relevant evidence.
L-ane was eager to aeiena uarnson irom we
harsh criticism levelled at him by the press who
had termed him "psychopathic" and "crazy." He
said this was part of "an almost orchestrated
response on the part of the news media" in denoun
cing the D.A.'s activities. Terming Garrison an
4,fallA,nal T ana aeeartaA "ftiorA la nn rmocfinn
in mv mind that he has turned uo the most signifi
cant evidence since the day of the assassination."
Lane's skillful presentation that day met with
a mixed but vocal response. Some dismissed Lane
and Garrison as "amateur sleuths" and
"crackpots," while others were puzzled as to what
to think, fearing to distrust the Warren Commission
findings but seeing in his remarks a number of
reasons for distrust.
THIS PUZZLEMENT seemed to feed on a
suspicion common to many Americans that perhaps
U.S. leaders could really be successful in suppress
ing the truth about the assassination if they so
desired. All in attendance seemed eager that
somehow, sometime the controversy over President
Kennedy's death might be finally laid to rest
That time may be at hand. Garrison, Lane
and the Warren Commission critics are about to
have their day in court. We are about to bear
for the first time the significant evidence which
Garrison claims' will point unmistakably to a con
spiracy involving not only Shaw and Oswald but
a host of other "faceless menl"
If Garrison is correct he will deserve the thanks
of what will certainly be 'an incredulous nation.
If he is wrong he will suffer a less glorious fata.
But in either event one hopes that the Gay Shaw
trial will conclusively answer the question of how
John Kennedy died, so that we might finally get
on with that serious business for which ha lived.
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First
ay o
angerous game
by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak
Washington President Nixon's quick decision
to talk to the Russians on the Middle East crisis
is only the opening gambit in a fascinating but
dangerous game of power politics he is now
sketching out with his national security advisers.
Nixon is well aware that the Soviet Union is
becoming compulsive in its desire to negotiate with
the U.S. not on the Arab-Israeli confrontation,
but on control of the escalating arms race.
President Nixon, however, puts heavier em
phasis on the danger of another Middle Eastern
war, which might suck in the two superpowers
on opposite sides. To Nixon the question of arms
control, while important, is not so lethal a time
bomb as the possible breakdown of the fragile truce-
between Israel and the surrounding Arab states.
ACCORDINGLY, the Nixon game is to test
Soviet willingness to do serious business with the
Americans in the imminent United Nations talks
on a settlement of the 1967 war. If Moscow displays
what top Administration officials now believe is
possible a willingness to agree on a Middle
East settlement that both sides could then accept
President' Nixon will proceed from there to talks
on the control of arms, particularly new defensive
and offensive nuclear systems.
Bold and imaginative though it is, this plan
is fraught with danger. In particular, a deadlock
in the U.S.-Soviet talks at the UN could so sour
relations that later negotiations on arms control
would be seriously threatened.
But the President is willing to accept that
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risk in return for the enormous gains that might
result from a successful negotiation on the Middle
East. Moreover, Nixon is convinced that an easing
of the vicious Arab-Israeli antagonisms is essential.
Otherwise, an outbreak of hostilities going far
beyond the present cycle of Arab guerrilla attack
and Israeli reprisal is a possibility.
FURTHERMORE, Nixon tells intimates he is
getting worried over signs of anti-Israeli feelings
in this country. He is not alone. The last major
Israel reprisal against civilian Arab aircraft at
the Beirut. Lebanon, airport last month a
retaliation for the loss of an Israeli life in an
Arab terrorist attack in Athens caused an angry
response in the U.S.
Neither the government of Israel nor the Jewish
community here favors the U.S.-Soviet talks at
the UN. What bothers them is the possibility that
the super-powers are preparing to "impose" a
peace.
To deal with this, Mr. Nixon has held a number
of private talks with leading U.S. Jews, including
Sen. Jacob K. Javits of New York, and has
transmitted a number of messages to the Israeli
government in Jerusalem.
He has stressed two things: first, the U.S.
will not be party to an "imposed" peace unac
ceptable to Israel and will underwrite any agree
ment acceptable to both sides; second, no matter
what agreements are made with the Russians on
stopping the arms flow to the Middle East, there
will be no change in the delivery schedule of 50
F-4 aircraft to Israel (to be started the end of
this year).
JAVITS, it Is known, had a lengthy private
conversation with both the President and his chief
national security adviser, Dr. Henry Kissinger, last
Friday in the White House. Javits strongly urged
Mr. Nixon to tell the Russians at the outset of
the UN talks that the U.S. would never allow
the Middle East to be absorbed into the Communist
sphere, either by direct Soviet action or by the
action of Egypt and her Arab allies. He agreed.
At the same time, the President said he has
sent the Israelis an urgent warning on reprisal
raids against the Arabs during UN negotiations.
Mr. Nixon is fearful that the cycle of raid and
counter-raid could get out of hand and foil the
talks.
PLEAS PONT TAKE M TO MA. I WAS ONlX 6oH' TO
7H WASHROOM FOR SoM iVATEfc."
Against that background, the President's
decision on U.S.-Soviet-Middle East talks is the
first move in the scenario of power politics now
opening. On the outcome hangs not only peace
in the Middle East and eventual agreement on
arms control but perhaps the whole direction of
Mr. Nixon's bold foreign policy.
C) IMS Publlsbers-HsU Syndicate
Last summer in early July, Dean Rusk met
with a group of Senate interns (college students
with summer jobs in Senators' offices) and candidly
discussed his own future and the future of the
republic he had served as Secretary of State for
nearly eight years.
Personally, he appeared fed up with the role
which he had been forced to assume, i.e., that
of the principle defender of an unpopular cause.
He welcomed the customary resignation that he
would file upon the election of a new Administration
in November. It was obvious that Mr. Rusk would
be very reluctant to accept reappointment.
THE INEVITABLE question arose: what wll
be the most menacing problem in international
relations during the 1970's? Mr. Rusk's reply did
not involve Communist aggression Chinese-style in
Southeast Asia, nor did it concern the imposition
of Soviet Communism on unwilling Eastern Euro
peans. Surprisingly enough, he insisted that the volatile
situation in the Middle East, while worthy of grave
concern, would not be the most insoluble of the
dilemmas facing the State Department during the
next decade.
According to Mr. Rusk, the struggle being
waged by the Black man in America is but a
symptom of a much more dangerous predicament
being shaped in the international sphere by the
black-white confrontation in Africa.
The racist governments of Rhodesia and South
Africa, both of which virtually exclude Black ma
jorities from any participation or representation
in the decision-making process, are rapidly becom
ing anachronistic. The tide of history is grudgingly
turning to the Black man's advantage. With each
new gain achieved in the name of civil, or natural,
rights, the Black community acquires confidence
and momentum.
THE RELATIVE peace that prevails in Africa
today is a restive one at best. As Black majorities
in southern Africa are made increasingly aware
of the unjust treatment being imposed on them
by the white settlers, they are bound to precipitate
a crisis that will have international ramifications.
Britain has adamantly refused to use military
force against its renegade Rhodesian colony, relying
exclusively on the United Nations enforced
economic sanctions to bring the white settler
government to its knees.
Britain's reluctance to use force, even in light
of the obvious ineffectiveness of the sanctions, is
significant It indicates that she has reached a
milestone in the development of her policy. She
has come to grips with her limitations, realizing
her dependence on good trade relations with both
South Africa and Black Africa. Her involvement
in African colonial affairs has proved precarious
in recent years, and the most propitious thing
for Britain to do now is to get out as inoffensively
as possible.
AMERICA CAN regard the British experience
as instructive. Vicariously, we have learned that
all-out war on home territory is helL
We have learned, or are learning rapidly in
Vietnam, the futility and frustration of limited
engagements. Our newly-acquired sense of tragedy
tells us that ours will always be an imperfect
world and that America's ability to impose
cherished democratic principles on the world is
severely limited.
Just as Britain refused to send troops to Africa,
the United States swallowed a large gulp of pride
and allowed the Pneblo crew to remain in North
Korean hands for nearly a year.
If the world as we know it If to survive the
1970', a lot more pride is going to have to be
set aside. The competitive spirit the urge to be
recognized as superior, roust be dispensed with
in favor of a more moderate desire to coexist,
to tolerate, to try to understand.
AND, AS Martin Luther King said, men must
learn that to admit error is one of the most "moral"
actions a man can take. The United States, as
the world's alleged "moral" leader, has always
found it extremely repugnant to say that we made
a mistake, that our judgment was wrong.
