WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 29, 1969
THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
PAGE 3
resident's staff: information agency
President warns
of re-escalation
bv Rowland Evans and Robert Novak
WASHINGTON President Nixon is planning
to issue this private warning to the North Viet
namese in Paris: if Hanoi's negotiators refuse to
compromise, they run the risk of a U.S. military
reaction possibly including a resumption of full
scale bombing of the North.
That is part of a hard-line stand which the Nixon
foreign policy team assumed when they took over
the Paris negotiations on Jan. 21 in an attempt
to get down to serious business.
ALTHOUGH THE word "ultimatum" is not
being used in discussions by Mr. Nixon and his
foreign policy consultants, the effect of the present
plan is not far from it. But absolutely ruled out
is any implication to Hanoi that U.S. action might
include the use of nuclear weapons.
That's what distinguishes . Nixon's Vietnam
scenaroi from Gen. Eishenhower's Korean ploy in
1953. The Eisenhower warning carried the specific
implication that nuclear weapons might be
employed. Partly as a result, the North Koreans
buckled down to serious bargaining and the war
ended that summer.
Word that Nixon intends to make this start
toward early settlement of the Vietnam war fits
his decision to retain Ellsworth Bunker as U.S.
Ambassador in Saigon, the only top-level carryover
from the Johnson administration.
BUNKER HAS been skeptical about Secretary
of Defense Clark Clifford's strong words against
stalling at Paris by the Saigon regime. Keeping
Bunker on the job should give the South Vietnamese
new heart and reduce the possibility that panic
in Saigon could lead to a government crisis.
Nixon is aware also that, if the final settlement
has the appearance of a U.S. surrender, however
it may be camouflaged, the impact on the Soviet
Union and U.S. allies around the world could
be disastrous. The appearance of an American
defeat, as Mr. Nixon's advisers view it, would
likely lead to new Communist pressures elsewhere.
THUS NIXON is taking a long view of the
Vietnam settlement and placing it in the context
of world politics. This will make it essential not
to extricate the U.S. from South iVetnam without
reasonable assurances that the Communists won't
promptly take it over.
Although much of the initiative for these talks
has come from the Russians, Mr. Nixon's intimates
have used them for two major purposes: to make
clear that he wants the help of the Soviets in
persuading Hanoi to agree to a genuine compromise
but also to inform Moscow that heightened military
activity could be the alternative.
(c) 1909 Publishers Hall Synd.
by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak
WASHINGTON An exchange between
Richard M. Nixon and his new chief advisor for
national security affairs, Dr. Henry Kissinger, at
the President's first meeting with his Cabinet tells
much about the coming shape of things at the
White House.
Briefing his entire Cabinet on Dec. 12, the
day after he unveiled it over nationwide television,
Nixon suddenly turned to Kissinger in the midst
of a discussion on Vietnam. He asked Kissinger
to give his advice on a controversial Vietnam pro
blem. KISSINGER ROSE and said that in his new
job he would be giving no advice only information
and options for the President to select from. Ob
viously pleased, Nixon chuckled but insisted that,
on this one occasion Kissinger could break his
rule and say what he really thought ought to be
done. Reluctantly, Kissinger obliged. .
The incident reveals how the Nixon team hopes
to change the whole character of the White House
staff operation. What Mr. Nixon is driving for
has eluded many Presidents before him: to use
his own staff strictly as an information-gathering
device and leave to his Cabinet all the major
policy advice.
Thus, having agreed to this process with Nixon
before his appointment was announced Kissinger
naturally attempted to follow it out at that first
pre-inauguration Cabinet meeting.
Under Nixon, Kissinger won't try to com
promise conflicts. Nixon wants conflicting opinions
to come to him, sharpened and with all the flavor
left in. .
THIS RADICAL change of the White Houss
staff function does not end with the cabinet. Mr.
Nixon has specifically pledged to his Cabinet that
his staff will answer to the demands of the Cabinet,
not vice versa as under Mr. Johnson.
Nixon has made heavy i m p a c t on his staff
with these Pfcon guidelines. It suggests that Nixon
really intends to run the government through his
Cabinet as no President since Harry Truman.
Mr. Nixon and hit cabinet.
Nixon clashes with economic reality
Washington In the long,
difficult negotiations over
the continuation of the 10
percent income tax
surcharge between Johnson
and Nixon lieutenants the
past two weeks, the clash of
economic reality against
political preference bacame
obvious in the President
elect's camp.
Economic reality was the
dominant factor at working
level negotiations behind
White House doors. Presi
dent Johnson's economic
triad Secretary of the
Treasury Joseph Barr, Chief
Economic Advisor Arthur
Okun, Budget Director
Charles Zwick were ada
mant in pressing to keep the
tax another year. They
described it as essential both
to slow down galloping in
flation and prevent a huge
budget deficit
THEY RECEIVED no
arguments in these
discussions from the three
men who will hold the big
three economic jobs in the
Nixon administration: David
Kennedy (Treasury), Paul
McCracken (Council o f
Economic Advisors), Robert
Mayo (Budget).
Mr. Nixon's necessary ac
ceptance of the surcharge
renewal typifies the sobering
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mood of the Johnson-Nixon
transition. For all of the cam
paign promises of changes
galore, Mr. Nixon for the
time being is adopting the
Great Society's fiscal policy,
backing its Vietnam policy,
and retaining a surprising
number of its actual
policymakers. That may ex
plain why there is absence of
wild cheering and blaring
trumpets among the
newcomers as the guard
changes along the Potomac.
Publishers-Hall Syud.
Distributed 1969,
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