PAGE 2
THE DAILY NFBRASKAN
MONDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1968
The Chancellor's
either-or world
A group of influential faculty members tried
last week to dissuade the Regents from granting
Chancellor Clifford Hardin a one-year leave of
absence to serve as Secretary of Agriculture.
Although they were not successful, both the faculty
members and the Lincoln Journal brought up some
excellent points concerning the current arrange
ment that the Regents will have to keep in mind.
Although the dissidents agree almost to a man
than Chancellor Hardin has been an excellent ad
ministrator and will make a fine Secretary of
Agriculture, they expressed concern about Hardin's
attempt to have the best of both worlds, or perhaps
the attempt of both worlds to get the most from
Chancellor Hardin.
The faculty's primary concern is that the
University will be left up in the air for a fairly
xtended period of time; that Acting Chancellor
Merk Hobson, whatever his talents, will be
hamstrung while Hardin is deciding whether or
not he will stay in Washington, and that long-range
University programs will suffer.
THIS ARGUMENT is valid. Although it is
normal for a University to have an acting Chan,
cellor for some time before a new Chancellor is
appointed, it is not normal for the University to
refuse to search for a permanent Chancellor during
this time. If Chancellor Hardin decides in April
or May, or even some time next fall, that he
will complete his term as Secretary of Agriculture,
the University will be just that far behind in the
search for a new administrator.
University concerns aside, the dissidents point
out that the current arrangement is unfair to
President-elect Nixon, because he should be able
to rely on Hardin's presence for at least the next
four years. It is difficult to understand how a
temporary Secretary of Agriculture is going to be
able to direct the kind of far-sighted programs
that our fanners so badly need.
IT SEEMS THE RESULT of all this manuever
ing is a University with a lame-duck Chancellor
and a cabinet with a lame-duck Secretary of
Agriculture. The decision on how long this situation
will continue is the Chancellor's. It is vital that
he refrain from postponing the decision too long:
both the Uuiversity and the Cabinet need a talented
man unfettered by other obligations to function
smoothly at this time. Chancellor Hardin can func
tion well in either post. He cannot, however, func
tion in both.
Jack Todd
Our man Hoppe . . .
Youthland
secedes
by Arthur Hoppe
Herewith is another unwritten chapter from
that unpublished textbook, "A History of the World,
1950-1:999." Its title: "The Generation Gap And
Let's Keep It That Way."
By 1970 the Generation Gap had widened into
a chasm. Armed warfare raged on every campus.
The jails overflowed with protesters. Not a child
in the land thought bis parents understood him.
And vice versa.
A YOUTH SEPARATIST Movement was form
ed. "We not only want to run our own schools,
our own pads and our own lives," said young
militants, "we want to run our own country."
On July 4, 1971, Youthland seceded from the
Union laying claim to the West Coast from
the Sunset Strip to the Haight-Ashbury and the
East Coast from Greenwich Village to Fort
Lauderdale.
Civil war threatened. The Old Country, as St
came to be called, boasted an Army of 238,673
senior officers and a stringent draft law. But as
it had no one left to draft, it bad no soldiers
to do the fighting.
YOUTHLAND, ON THE other band, had a
plethora of healthy young men of draft age. But
of course it had no draft laws and, consequently
no army.
So the two nations dwelt in uneasy peace. And
both were very happy.
"At long last, we've got a little tranquility
around here," said toe Oldsters happily. And they
adopted vigorous legislation in favor of taw and
order and cheaper booze.
"At long last, we've got a little freedom around
here." said the Youngsters happily. And they
adopted vigorous legislation in favor of Individual
freedom and cheaper marijuana.
1 rfmfm
ditorial
Commentary
The fifth horseman is a king too
by Charles Mange
Although prohibited by the
United States Constitution,
the granting of titles of
nobility continues unabated
on our campus. A glance at
any issue of the Daily
Nebraskan reveals the
crowning of still another
queen or countess or caliph.
Each year the anonymity of
some nubile coed is sacrificed
on the Block and Bridle Day.
This Sweet Heart of the
Rodeo is chosen for her abili
ty at selling hams. The girl
who brings home the most
bacon is crowned Queen Pork
Barrel.
EAST CAMPUS CHURNS
with activity each spring as
all expectantly await the
crowning of Dairy Queen. The
candidates try to butter up
the judges but ' is ploy
usually fails as eviueneed by
the election of Miss Marge
Rin last year.
The other girls declared the
contest to be an udder fraud
as Miss Marge Rin Ka slender
lass) was declared winner
because she had the least fat
about her. The seven losing
maids were left milking their
friends for sympathy.
Perhaps the ultimate honor
to be bestowed upon a male
student at the University is
the coveted title of Prince
Kosmet. The holder of the ti
tle generally is a polite fellow
who dresses inconspicuously
and is therefore totally in
distinguishable from his
multitude of followers.
THIS CONSTANT KOSMET
fits his job to a tea. His only
duty is to conduct the annual
hereford poll for the Alumni
Association, and occasionally
to entertain foreign royalty
such as when our campus was
visited this fall by that
distinguished North African,
The Bey of Pigs. The prac
tice of naming so many
kings and queens will have to
stop before we all lose our
heads as people once did in
France. One king is enough
for any school but now that
our sovereign has left us to
live in Washington, I fear the
flood is upon us.
Board of Kepients
Letter to NU
Gentlemen:
Though we are all happy
about the recent appointment
of Chancellor Hardin as
Secretary of Agriculture, you
must not now in the glow of
pride and enthusiasm make a
decision that could cripple the
University in the near future.
It would be unworthy of the
position of trust you hold with,
the people of Nebraska.
Certainly if the position of
chancellor has any im
portance in directing the
future of the University, the
man in the position to be ef
fective should not feel that his
leadership and his plans are
merely a stand-in for so
meone who could return in
one month, one year, four
years, or perhaps never.
Surely Dr. Hardin knows that
effective leadership cannot be
provided to the University
under such an arrangement
as an extended leave of
absence.
IF nE IS UNAWARE, let
him consider what goals of
leadership have been set by
President-elect Nixon. Could
he want less for the
University of Nebraska?
Despite Chancellor Hardin's
recent failure to provide ade
quate leadership in convinc
ing the governor and the state
of the need for support to in
sure the solid growth of the
University, he is still a man
of undeniable talent. Let us
not undermine his confidence
by a crutch such as an ex
tended leave of absence.
We must also recall that the
state recognizes the folly of
such a position by having an
official policy that would not
allow for a leave of more than
a year for reasons of civil
service. And surely Regent
Herman has checked on this
Daily Nebraskan
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policy as regards military
service! Though it may be
argued that the University is
above such rules, do we
forget the wisdom that stands
behind such rules?
Should it ever be that
Chancellor Hardin would wish
to return to Nebraska, let us
hope that it can be at that
time with the University. Eut
let us not hamper him "in his
position as Secretary of
Agriculture and let us not
mark time here by hampering
whoever is to fill the post
now.
Surely our new Secretary of
Agriculture recognizes this.
Let us not make our
deliberations smack of
political arrangements. It ig
unuorthy of you and Dr.
Hardin. And it would be a
great disservice to the people
of the United States.
Sincerely,
Samuel J. Pezzille
Instructor,
Department of Classics
Inside report . . .
Nixon to have
open road
by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak
Washington As late as this past Tuesday
(Dec. 10), when he discussed it with his advisers,
nothing in the transition period had disturbed
President-elect Nixon more than the continuing
signs of President Johnson's insistence on a last-second,
lame-duck summit meeting with Soviet
Premier Alexei Kosygin.
Nixon himself has privately informed political
intimates that he regards the White House pressure
for a meeting, which would be held in Geneva,
as "most unwise."
FUTHERMORE, HE HAS made it crystal
clear to Mr. Johnson either in one of their
frequent telephone talks or through his foreign
policy adviser, Robert Murphy that he does
not wish to be involved in any way.
For his part, the President has pressed hard
for Mr. Nixon's cooperation with possible talks
on nuclear arms control and anti-ballistic missile
systems.
Nixon intimates say that Mr. Johnson has not
actually invited Mr. Nixon to accompany him, if
the projected summit talk can be arranged. But
the President has tried to win Mr. Nixon's consent
to assign a Nixon observer to the Johnson entourage
a suggestion flatly rejected by the President-elect
up to now on grounds that it might compromise
his own freedom of action after Jan. 20.
WHAT PRIVATELY worries the Nixon camp
Is that Johnson administration disarmament talks,
either at the summit or a lower level, would com
plicate not only the basic Nixon policy approach
to Moscow but also relations between tie U.S.
and its European allies, particularly West Germany.
Mr. Nixon, in short, wants to open a dialogue
with U.S. allies in Europe before he opens one
with the Soviet Union.
Beyond that, moreover, a glimpse of possibly
momentous changes in communist China's foreign
policy is clearly evident in the Nov. 26 Peking
bid for "peaceful coexistence" with the U.S. No
one here pretends to know what that might lead
to. if indeed anything at all, but one result is
already clear: it has brought consternation 'o
Moscow, whose foreign policy is built on the hard
rock of hostility and distrust between the U.S.
and China.
THIS IS SIMPLY a second reason to explain
Moscow's growing impatience for talks with
Washington. The first reason is Russia's
transparent eagerness to bury the sordid effects
of its invasion of Czechoslovakia last August and
show the world that, despite that military takeover,
all is well once again between the U.S. and the
U.S.S.R.
It is precisely this passionate Soviet objective,
coupled with President Johnson's equally passionate
desire to celebrate his leaving office with a
glamorous summit parley, that is pulling Mr.
Johnson and Kosygin together. Nixon men feel that,
once Mr. Johnson is out of office and the Russians
are unable to exploit his desire for a summit talk,
the U.S. might well ask and receive a higher Soviet
price for a summit meeting.
But the Soviet leaders have delicate problems
of their own in any deals with President Johnson
between now and Jan. 20. They must diagnose,
and then factor in, Mr. Nixon's inner attitude about
a Johnson-Kosygin meeting.
FOR E"EN IF A pre-Jan. 20 meeting does
take place and even if it does help remove the
stigma of Czechoslovakia or set the stage for
serious talks on nuclear arms the new President
will have an open road after that date to modify
or reject any midnight agreements made by his
predecessor.
Furthermore, the Russians are going to be
living with Mr. Nixon for at least four long years.
As some Nixon advisers see it, the Kremlin would
be counting a possibly disastrous start in its relat
ions with President Nixon if Kosygin took advantage
of President Johnson's unseemly insistence on a
, summit talk.
Is view of all that has gone on before between
Mr. Nixon and the Soviet leaders and considering
the corrosive relationship that Mr. Nixon has had
with them in the past, the Russians are unlikely
to make that mistake.
let M FcMMwn4l.il r.
SO BOTH GENERATIONS at long last had
what they wanted. The Oldsters had tranquility.
And the Youngsters had freedom.
But after several months, the Oldster began
dragging lethargically around frowningly muttering
testy things like, "The newspapers are certainly
dull these day. There'? nothing to talk about at
these stupid cocktail -,-es. And why's it so damn
quiet around here?"
And the Youngsters, to keep their hands in,
still demonstrated lethargically daily. But their
placards were blank. For the life of them, they
couldn't think of anything to protest against. And
they frowningly chanted testy things like, "Down
with something or other."
THE TWO NATIONS, recognizing the in
evitable, were re-united on July 4, W72. And, oh,
what a heartwarming scene there was in every
borne as the father welcomed back his son.
"Let me embrace you, my boy," each father
said, "as soon as you have off that scraggly beard
and gt yourself a decent job."
"Shave my beard?" cried the youth, his chin
up, the old adrenalin racing through his veins again,
No don't be square. Dad. I've got a right .
"Square"' shouted the father, his blood boiling,
tis eyes shining once more." "Listen here, you
young whippersnapper ..."
And both generations lived fully, if perhaps
sot happily, ever after.
Chronicle Features
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