PAGF 2
THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1968
Hardin: filler for
the silent cabinet
The appointment of Chancellor Clifford M.
Hardin as Secretary of Agriculture in the Nixon
' administration would jive perfectly with the pattern
of Nixon's appointments and predicted ap-
pointments to date: he is a man pulled out of
relative obscurity, a man as noted for his inac
.. cessibility as for his political acumen and ad
" ininistrative ability.
Either because his first choices are refusing
T" , him or because he is attempting to put together
T'' the most silent cabinet in history, Nixon appears
1 to be following the precedent he sent with Spiro
' ' T. Agnew in August: find a man as nationally
unknown as possible; someone who possesses ex
ecutive ability but win not want to rock the boat
; . under any circumstances.
l KARDIN HAS an excellent background In
agriculture and administration. Nebraskans will
probably be chortling over his appointment for
months to come. The appointment, however, will
- probably hurt the University more than it will
rjhelp the cabinet. His present position as Chancellor
;r of the collective University of Nebraska is more
.." "Ideally suited to him than to any other man In
r ight; to Us loss will be felt here, while it
- j5ems that a number of men might have functioned
-"as well, if not as quietly, in Washington.
II Hardin is the kind of public figure who win
Hi fit in well with a carefuUy sealed-off cabinet. He
ZZ&oes not seem at ease in public, nor Is he
particularly inclined to face the press or the
Ijjtudents. Nixon's appointment of Herb Klein as
;-;news manager for the cabinet is indication enough
jtf what he plans to do; the appointment of men
-such as Hardin is merely a confirmation of his in
tentions; a confirmation which newsmen are un
likely to view favorably.
.. .
MOST PEOPLE WILL probably argue that
Hardin's appointment is a great honor to the state.
JYomhere it looks more like a recognition of
Nebraska's role as a narrow speciaUst among the
states; a state which earned a political plumb
by going overwhelmingly to Nixon but did not
rate a cabinet post unrelated to its economy.
Hardin's appointment is an honor to ChanceUor
Hardin. It is not an honor to the state, a boon
to the University, or a pleasing indicator of Nixon's
, attitude in appointing his cabinet.'
'Z- Jack Todd
Larry Eckholt . . .
Look at those
communists
Let's take a look at those communists on this
campus. They're all over the place. I can't even
sleep at night worrying about them. Honest. I know.
I've seen communists and I should know. They're
worse than rats.
Communists are out to get us. That's what
they're out for. To get us. I have seen communists
and they're here, even on this campus. Yes, even
in Lincoln, Nebraska. They already have control
of the campus newspaper. And they're inching
towards taking over the military on campus. I
know. I read about it in that communist newspaper.
This is a free country and it has freedom of the
press. I have to believe everything I read in them
free newspapers, or else I am not reaJly an
American.
, GOOD LORD (I dont normany use profane
language, except to make a point.) Good Lord.
This is America. Peaceful America. Founded in
peace. "And God said, 'Let there be America.' "
Just a peace-loving country. Why would anyone
want to upset the apple cart. Everyone has apples.
Why. Because there are communists in this
country. And they want the apples. Do you know
what our boys in Vietnam would do for apple pi?
Lord, we're fighting over there just so those Viet
namese can have apple pie, too. They have a right
to eat apple pie.
But those dirty, asinine communists, especially
the ones here s this campus. The're gonna take
lover someday. I like apple pie. Who is going to
replant the apple tree after the communists take
over? I can't sleep at night thinking about it.
WELL, I SAY we'd better be patriotic
Americans and support everyone who is against
communists. I get a chill everytime I say the
word. Don't listen to what they have to say. They're
communists and they know nothing. Absolutely
nothing. I know. I saw communists and they looked
stupid. And I want you to listen only to me, because
I am always right This hi a free country.
Dont take me wrong. There just aren't any
more answers since everything Is perfect now.
We've got to protect ourselves, that's all. We are
in constant danger.
Look! I see one now. He's coming towards
ti I don't know what to do. Kin him! He
itoJe my apple! I want my mommy!
Waaaaaaaaaaaah!
BUV A 05ED
A AN ?
Editorial
Private drab's bargaining table
by Arthur Hoppe
"How are the peace talks
going?" Private Oliver Drab,
378-184454, asked his friend,
Corporal Parte, as the two
squatted behind a revetment.
.-I'Weltlt jayiiere," said
Corporal Parte, leafing
through a newspaper, "that
the Reds are demanding we
talk around a square table.
But we're holding firm for a
rectangular table. And the
fur's sure flying."
"I AM GLAD they got
something to talk about," said
Drab.
"It's mighty important,"
said Parte. "The Reds say
there's four sides negotiating
and we say there's only two.
So we're going to hang tough
for a two-sided table no mat
ter what. And the Reds say
theyll never yield an inch.
Don't look like there's any
solution."
"My Grandma could've
solved it," said Drab. "What
she'd say is . . ."
"GREAT NEWS, MEN,"
cried Captain Buck Ace,
striding up,. his, eyet.agleam.
"Headquarters has picked us
for a dangerous search and
destroy mission. Check your
weapons and get ready to zap
those Charlies!"
"Yes, sir," said Drab
politely, "but what for?"
Captain Ace frowned.
"You're not going to start
that again, Drab. We've got to
get out there and kill Com
mies." "But if we're talking peace
with them, sir . . ."
"WE'VE GOT TO kill them
while we're talking peace
with them, soldier, in order to
maintain our position at the
bargaining table. And those
Charlies out there, they're
fighting for a square
bargaining table."
"But my Grandma . .
"Blast your Grandma!"
thundered the Captain. "What
the hell are you talking about
her for?"
"She's dead, sir."
"I'M SORRY, SON," the
Captain said automatically,
putting a hand on Drab's
shoulder, "my condolences."
"Thank you, sir. But before
she died there used to be this
big fight at her house every
Thanksgiving on who should
get to sit at the head of the
table. My Uncle Ed darn near
killed Cousin Franklin one
time. But my Grandma, she
solved the whole thing she
went out and got herself a
round table! So if we got a
round table, sir, we wouldn't
have to go out there and get
killed to maintain our position
at it and . . ."
"Shut up, Drab!" shouted
the Captain. "And get out
there and fight for whatever I
teU you to fight for?"
So Private Drab went over
the top crying, "Don't give up
the rectangular table!" But
you could tell somehow that
his heart wasn't in it.
AS HE SAID, somewhat
moodily that night to Corporal
Parte as they crouched in a
rainfilled foxhole, pinned
down by enemy fire:
"Maybe there's something
wrong with me, but do you
think a rectangular table is a
worthy cause to die for?"
"Nope," said Corporal
Parte, scrunching lower. "But
to teU the truth, Oliver, I
never thought of a good
enough one yet."
Chronicle Features
New prophets found in 'street church'
by Dick Gregory
At a time when the un
bridled spirit of youthful pro
test is both challenging and
revitalizing the political and
institutional structures of our
society, it is curious to see the
church today threatened by a
youth reaction of a different
sort.
There is a conspicuous
absence of youthful protest
directed at the church,
demanding reform and
seriously challenging both
basic values and practices.
By and large, young people
tend simply to ignore the
church, apparently seeing it
as an institution not worthy of
their revolutionary
energies.
SPEAKING TO A large
Protestant gathering in New
York City in October, John D.
Rockefeller 3rd, chairman of
the Rockefeller Foundation,
aptly described the current
mood of young people
regarding the church. Said
Rockefeller: "No institution
in our society is today suffer
ing more from the sheer in
difference of the young. By
and large, they have
dismissed the church as
archaic, ineffective, and even
irrelevant . . . One young
man told me: 'There's a ge
nuine religious revival going
on but the church is missing
out on it!' Another said: 'The
church could fin a great need
It our society, if it would
focus less on the divine and
more on bow to apply Chris
tian teaching to today's
world.' "
Indeed there is a great and
active revival of religious
values being enacted in the
lives of young people the
world over. They are
searching for true meaning in
life, insisting upon real values
worthy of life investment and
demanding that morality be a
way of life for individuals,
governments and institu
tions. The voice of youth echoes
throughout the corridors of
America's most honored in
stitutions with the simple
message that no longer will a
man's worth be judged by the
clothes be wears, the position
he holds or the social bearing
he affects, but rather by the
quality of life he leads.
THE YOUNG 'prophets of
the new religious awakening
wiU not be found in the
churches. They wUl be found
rather in the streets. Much
like the prophets of an earlier
day, their moral demands are
too pure and their devotion to
ethical behaviour too rigorous
to be comfortably contained
in organized religious struc
tures. The church would only
dare embrace these new
young radical prophets at the
expense of its own institutional
life.
Though youth have rejected
the institutional church, their
religious quest enacted in the
streets has produced a new
church. The failure of the
church to practice and im
plement what it has been
preaching for so long has
forced religion out into the
streets where it should have
been in the first place.
IN THE EARLY days of the
civil rights movement, many
southern churches were
bombed, burned out and des
troyed. Liberal-minded north
ern church people viewed
such atrocities as a disgrace
and condemned that peculiar
understand why churches we
understand whv churches
were destroyed. Actually, the
destruction of the church
building testified to a renewed
relevance of religion.
Daily Nebraskan
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The reason why churches
were destroyed in the South is
because ministers finaUy
started telling the truth about
freedom and used their
pulpits to actively combat in
justice, r or years southern
ministers had been afraid to
speak out. The Ku Klux Klan
had always been able to ter
rify and intimidate the
southern Negro.
One day the minister
developed enough backbone to
overcome his fear, cUmb into
his pulpit, and teU the truth
about the Klan and its activi
ty. He called the names of
the Klan members and openly '
identified the law-enforcement
officers and businessmen
hiding under those hoods. The
minister traced the route of
Klan violence. As a result, his
church was destroyed the
next morning.
BUT THIS IS not a southern
phenomenon. Whenever
religion refuses to com
promise and speaks boldy
against injustice, the chances
are its spokesmen will end up
out in the streets. If the nor
thern minister, priest or rabbi
would stand up in his pulpit
one morning and caU the
names of the top men in the
crime syndicrte; if he would
trace the sydnlcate's reefer
route and tell the truth about
dope traffic, violence, and
prostitution, that northern
clergyman's church would be
destroyed also.
It has often been said that
you get your best education in
the streets. Today's youth are
telling both church and
society that the same pattern
is true when applied to
reUgious experience.
Wade Alien Syndications, Inc.
Inside report ...
No Paris need
by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak
Washington The real reason President-elect
Nixon wiU not send a personal observer to the
Vietnam peace talks in Paris is that decisions
Involving even the smaUest details are made not
in Paris but in President Johnson's White House
office.
Seldom if ever before has a skUled negotiating
team had so little freedom to operate on its own
as the U.S. team headed by Ambassador AvereU
Harriman and Cyrus Vance.
THE RESULT, although none of the principals
will discuss it freely even in total privacy, has
been tension and frustration within the U.S. team
in Paris which on occasion has reached close to
the outer limits of forbearance.
One such occasion was the emotion-fraught days
just before Mr. Johnson made his Oct. 31 speech
announcing the end of the bombing on the basis of
the now-famous "understanding" with Hanoi: that
the demilitarized zone between North and South
Vietnam would not be used to launch offensive op
erations against the South and that the large cities
would be immune from rocket attack.
When Hanoi's agents at the Paris talks finaUy
agreed to this understanding in late October, after
months of tough bargaining, the agreement to end
the bombing was consummated. It was to be an
nounced by President Johnson immediately.
SUDDENLY, AND WITHOUT any warning, Mr.
Johnson tossed a bombsheU at his negotiating team
in the form of a new condition.
The added condition was a demand on Hanoi
that the first meeting of the enlarged negotiating
teams expanded by the addition of the Viet
Cong's National Liberation Front and the govern
ment of South Vietnam take place the day
after the bombing-halt announcement.
This sudden and wholly unexpected demand
from the White House stunned the President's
negotiators in Paris. Not only did it demand the
impossible, from Hanoi's point of view, but it raised
a basic question as to whether the Harriman
mission could be trusted to keep its word. The
reason for that was that the already-consummated
agreement on the bomb-halt specificaUy left open
the question of exactly when the expanded talks
would begin.
WHEN MR. JOHNSON'S new condition start
the talks the day after the announcement was
taken to the Hanoi negotiators they at first refused
even to consider it. It would be impossible, they
told the Americans, to round up representatives
of the NLF and get them to Paris for perhaps
several weeks, much less one day.
Thereupon ensued several angry days of intense .
bargaining on the timing question, with Mr. Johnson
personally calling the shots from his desk in the
Oval Office. The Communists reluctantly agreed
to advance the starting date of the expanded talks
to seven days after Mr. Johnson's announcement
of the bombing halt, and the President held out
for a starting date three days after the announce,
ment.
While this narrow gap of four days continued
to separate the two sides, the bombing continued,
and Saigon itself began to be shelled. The impasse
was finaUy resolved with a compromise date of
Nov. 6 for the starting date of the talks, and
on Oct. 31 Mr. Johnson made his announcement
to the world and stopped the bombing.
IRONICALLY NOT ONLY had Mr. Johnson's
sudden additional demand caught his own Paris
negotiators short, it was also flatly rejected by
Saigon (the long Saigon holdout, in fact, is only
now ending, but even with Saigon present in Paris
there is virtually no chance of serious talks before
Mr. Nixon is sworn in on Jan. 20).
President-elect Nixon is fully aware of these
and other highly confidential details about the Paris
talks, and they led him to conclude correctly that
a Nixon observer could learn little more in Paris
than here in Washington reading the unprecedented
cascade of secret cablegrams carrying instructions
to Ambassador Harriman.
With Robert Murphy, Mr. Nixon's foreign policy
agent, already here and reading aU the top-secret
cable traffic, an observer in Paris was viewed
as simply excess baggage.
(c) 1968 Publishers-Han-syndlcato
That's the
way
the game's played
We, the undersigned Student Senators .would
like to express our mutual dinsatisfactJon with your
editorial of Monday, November 25, regarding action
taken by Senate and Dr. Joseph Soshnlk to create
a committee to consider implementation of tho
Student Academic Fredom document and ASUN
Government Bill 24.
You have overstated the case regarding treat
ment by administrative and faculty members
toward Senate on this issue. We do not consider
their actions as "administration injustice" nor do
those actions call for "cheat for cheat" reactions
by students, as you suggest.
YOUR STATEMENTS regarding G. Robert
Ross again overemphasize the case, which does
not exist to any significant degree in our eyes.
The quotes attributed to him were taken entirely
2f .ConltttlDo weot t u d e n t s also use
il .? .w to,fha!lge dminitrators' points of view?
n1aL K,Mn To ay the ball-game is
played, by aU participants, including yourself?
a. a Iy'ih7,ugh F1 edi,orIal you are serving
rJ Y,Ct tor ASUN President Craig
t nvl relect consensus of the
II Z'-tT1 ,5" beeB toe of past editorials,
See arLWnW ""'J h the f uTu re to
ST. I 'Z011, editorial from ore than
Sen.ritIl.Wfld f behoove to attend
mSiffSK'fc1? ?aUz what the consensus of
SSerio? Susan M Thompson
2hLBeSlger J Adkins
i'SL 5?D Carol Madson
I a Vim T Tiri-fe
VUi A ffUUI
Kent Rnvr
j
Jim Sherman
Chris Seeman
Dave Rasmussea
Tom Wiese
Tom Lonnqulst
Bruce Cochrane
Suona Cotner
Paula Teigeler
Teena Kudiacek
Ron Pfeiffer
