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Puqe 2
The Dcily Nebraskcn
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1958
Our
Napalm-matter
of principle
Dow Chemical's recruiters are back on campus.
This time they took the precaution of furnishing
us with a propaganda pamphlet designed to inform
us on the altruistic motives behind their production
of napalm and to help us background stories on
any anti-Dow demonstrations that may occur.
Dow makes it clear in the ' information" Ihey
supplied us that they do not manufacture napalm
for economic reasons. Napalm, they point out,
amounts to only one-half of one percent of their
revenue. The decision to continue the manufacture
of the explosive jell, Dow says, is a matter of
principle rather than monetary necessity.
The principle, however, is a rather shoddy one.
Though Dow says they are "supporting our com
mitment in Vietnam" and "backing our boys,"
it is apparent that in every respect the manufacture
and use of napalm is not in the best interests
of America.
TO BEGIN7 WITH, we are fighting a very ques
tionable war; a war that has divided our homefront
and considerably weakened the international status
of our nation. In this context, the use of napalm
lends the dissenters, both here and abroad, an
emotional tool of unquestioned power.
The national press has argued rather convinc
ingly that the civilian casualties resulting from
napalm have been over exaggerated. The fact re
mains, however, that there ARE civilian casualties
and that the horror of military casualties resulting
from napalm is one of the primary reasons world
opinion has allied itself against the United States
position in Vietnam.
The final and perhaps most convincing argu
ment against napalm is the fact that it opens
the door to the use of other ghastly modern
weapons. How can we, for example, argue against
the as of germ warfare by Red China after using
napalm in Vietnam?
Time magazine said in a news story that the
efforts of the anti-Dow protestors on the campus
have been largely misdirected since 60 or 70 other
companies are out-producing Dow in the manufac
ture of war materials.
ANY COMPANY manufacturing war materials
is indulging in the kind of profiteering most
revolting to man. The manufacture of napalm,
however, is a serious violation of the international
rules of warfare, and a violation whose conse
quences we will have to live with for years to
come. That, Dow Chemical, is why you're having
trouble on the campuses of America. That is why
you have no reason to expect to leave the campus
unscathed.
Jack Todd
Dick Gregory . . .
Who are real
counterfeiters?
The really insidious nature of campaigning in
a national election dominated by the two-party
system came into new focus for me personally
during the final weeks of the campaign. As an
independent, write-in candidate for President
(though my name appeared on the ballot in some
states), I had been circulating handbills which bore
some resemblance to a one dollar bill.
My picture appeared where George Washington
is placed on legitimate currency; though I was
wearing a derby hat and a turtleneck. Since I
have not shaved for over a year, any resemblance
between myself and our Crst President is purely
coincidental
FEDERAL AGENTS entered my campaign
headquarters in Tennessee and in New York City
and confiscated my handbills. It seems, according
to official explanation, that some of my handbills
had been used in coin changing machines. A com
plaint was registered that my campaign literature
was "bugging" the machines.
One wonders how far advanced our technology
really is if a machine cannot distinguish between
my handbills, with my picture on them, and a
legitimate dollar bill bearing the portrait of George
Washington! But then again, if such confusion is
possible, perhaps the technological age holds un
precedented possibilities for true integration.
I have no doubt that my handbills were "bugg
ing" the machine and that is the reason for their
confiscation. I dared to challenge the "machine"
dominated two-party political system in this coun
try, along with other independent candidates.
.
IN THE traditional and accepted structure of
American politics there is no place for such a
challenge. Richard Nixon, for example, insisted
that this is a two-party country and would not
acknowledge the legitimacy of non two-party can
didates. It is curious and frightening to my concept
of true democracy to recognize that 1 was only
accepted by government officials as a serious
presidential candidate when my literature was
"bugging" machines, both political and economic.
I was an announced candidate for over a year.
I was the only candidate who had his platform
published by a major publishing house (WRITE
ME IN!, Bantam Books, June, 1968.)
Yet I was never offered security protection
for myself and my family (a privilege accorded
even Harold Stassen during the primaries.) Nor
was I given security briefings by the President,
another privilege accorded the preferred white
candidates.
IT MUST also be asked who are the real
counterfeit campaigners in this country. Is it an
independent candidate who prints his own literature
find pays for it out of his own pocket? Or is
democracy counterfeited by a candidate who at
tempts to buy his way into the White House with
the financial backing of one of the two major
parties?
Political ads published during the latter days
of the campaign by the Humphrey-Muskie team
accused Richard Nixon of trying to do just that
with some 129 million. And the ads issued a plea
that the Democratic team be supported to a 1 1 o w
them to do the same thing.
It is true that I circulated a few million pieces
of campaign literature which bore some
resemblance to a dollar bill. It seems to me that
is the only legitimate "currency" which should
be used to "buy" votes from the American elec
torate. If such campaign literature is judged by
our government to be a threat to the American
economy, we should be more concerned than ever
about the value of the American dollar.
WaJe AHea SyndkaUoBS, Inc.
Oh well back fo
"I Love Lucr '
ditorials
Commentary
man
Hoppe
Honor, peace disrupt Wonderfuland
by Arthur Hoppe
Once upon a time in the
country called Wonderfuland,
the people worshipped both a
God and a Goddess.
The God's name was Honor.
He was a handsome and virile
God with a noble brow and
flashing eyes. His temples
were Integrity and Fair
Dealing. And those who
worshipped therein were
blessed with the respect of
their fellow men. Everybody
loved Honor.
THE GODDESS' name was
Peace. She was as fair as
sunrise, as gentle as twilight.
Her temples were Love and
Brotherhood. And those who
worshipped therein were
blessed with serentiy and
abundance. Everybody loved
Peace.
So the people of Won
derfuland worshipped both the
God an Goddess with equal
fervor and saw no reason to
choose between them. And for
years they enjoyed the bless
ings of both, dwelling in
serenity, abundance and the
respect of their fellow men.
Then one day the people of
Wonderfull and somehow or
another became ensnarled in a
tiny, little war with a little,
tiny country far, far away. It
was Honor, of course, that
ensnarled them there.
"WE MUST honor our
sacred commitments to
whomever it may concern!"
cried the Warriors of
Wonderfuland, brave men and
true. "Those who will not
fight besmirch our sacred
Honor."
"We must not kill our fellow
men!" protested the Peace
Worshippers of Wonderfuland.
good men and kind. "Those
who would fight endanger
universal Peace."
As the war dragged on, the
people grew confused. Was
Honor more sacred than
Peace? Was Peace more
sacred than Honor? They
didn't know what to think.
BUT THE Leader of
Wonderfuland as leaders
will, came up with a brilliant
solution of this seemingly in
soluble dilemma.
"What we are seeking in
this war, my fellow Won
derfulanders." he explained
in a moment of inspiration,
"is Peace WITH Honor."
And all the lesser leaders
and all the would-be leaders
saw the brilliance of this and
took up the chant: "Peace
with Honor! Peace - with
Honor! Peace with Honor!"
THE PEOPLE sighed with
relief. "Yes," they said,
"that's precisely what we
worship: Peace with Honor."
So The Leader made the
little war bigger and bigger to
preserve Wonderfuland's
Honor. But he refused to
release Wonderfuland's full
might on the little country for
fear of endangering universal
Peace.
No one could argue with
this. Those who would sur
render Honor for Peace were
accused o f blaspheming
Honor. And those who would
sacrifice Peace for Honor
were accused of blaspheming
Peace. So the people went on
worshipping both with fervor.
BUT AS THE war dragged
on and on. a strange thing
happened. Riots broke out in
the streets. The Leader
became hated. Neighbor
turned against neighbor. The
country's abundance was
poured into the war. And few
admired Wonderfuland as
much as they once did.
"But no one has sacrificed
more for Peace and Honor
than we," cried the people of
Wonderfuland puzzled and un
easy. "Why are we no longer
blessed with serenity, abun
dance and the respect of our
fellow men?"
Moral: U you have to
choose, choose Peace. Youll
be alive to enjoy its blessings.
Chronicle Features
Day after the election:
a synopsis of possibilities
The magi reached into the
snow-white, bell-tongued ball
of holidays at the end of the
carol-singing sea and brought
out Richard Nixon.
For better or worse,
perhaps till death do us part,
we are stuck with it
Everyone is walking around
muttering to themselves,
"four years, . . . four years."
Perhaps it won't be that bad.
After all, we can't really dn
much worse.
True, Nixon 1 s con
spicuously tied to Strom
Thurmond, is saddled with
Spiro Agnew and hasn't
answered a question straight
since he told a 1962 press
conference "you won't have
Nixon to kick around
anymore." Now we have him
to kick around, in the flesh,
and ten to one tha writers and
TV men are about to have a
field day unequalled since
Lyndon Johnson pulled up his
shirt to show his scar to the
world.
MOST OF THE people who
voted for Tricky Dick did so
with one thought in mind: a
return to the quiet days of
Dwight Eisenhower. That
return, it would seem, is im
possible. We are, however,
curious to see if he can really
pull it off
First and foremost he
must end the war. If hi suc
ceeds in that, and he should,
be must then settle an
economy which may well go
into cartwheels at the end of
the war.
Then he must tackle the
cities: Nixon said in a widely
praised statement last spring
that he would bring the
private sector into the ghettos
and get the federal sector out.
Current events in Detroit
other cities indicate that this
just may work.
He must hope that all the
black noncoms who
presumably will be returning
from the service don't us
their know-how to make
future insurrections in the
ghettos even more
devastating.
He must learn bow to deal
much better than he has to
date with the New Left. To do
this be will have to muzzle
Spiro Agnew and keep his
deals with Southern racists
and the business establish
ment quiet, if not eliminate
them altogether.
One must admire the way
Nixon ran his campaign, even
though it appears that
another week would have
destroyed it. One must also
admire his comeback from
the defeats of I960 and 1962.
and his triumph over certain
personal shortcomings.
HUBERT HUMPHREY,
after fighting the good fight,
Daily Nebraska!
i BMtan nM at Una. turn.
TcXEPHO.VE Edoor 72-Z. Srn 7J-. Baoaail GlrVM.
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lor et Lbrr eaaae la b eriated
Member Aawnrtad Geiaajuaa Praia, KaOaaal fiaaratlaaal MttrMaf aarrlea.
Editorial Staff
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Scoria Ffciar Baady Vara; Kraaaa Staff Writer Jim eier, Mia Cwerak,
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Easiness Staff
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promised his help to the
president-elect and made it
through his concession speech
without crying. Nixon will
need all the help be can
muster from his opponents to
deal with a congress that due
to his extremely short coat
tails, will be primarily
Democratic.
The times call for miracle
workers. Dick Nixon most
emphatically is not that. He
cannot issue John F. Ken
nedy's clarion call to "ask
what you can do for your
country." He cannot perform
FDR's fireside chats, nor pla
cate an angry nation with his
fatherly presence a la Eisen
hower. He can, however work. He
can select a cabinet, if he
shakes the Agnew syndrome,
made up of the vast array of
talent in the Democratic par
ty.
Nixon needed a mandate
from the people and 20 or 30
new congressmen to be an ef
fective president What he did
not get is perhaps the great
est burden he will carry into
the White House.
No president since Lincoln
has faced such a hopeless sit
uation. No president, however,
has gone into office with such
fervent hopes from the people
that he can succeed.
T.E.
Inside report . . .
Secrecy alters
Saigon's refusal
by Rowland Evans and
Robert Novak
WASHINGTON The embarrassing and
surprising refusal of the Saigon government to go
to the negotiating table in Paris is in no small
part the product of a security blackout that kept
South Vietnamese authorities in the dark about
preliminary arrangements for a bombing halt.
Indeed, behind studied confidence in the upper
reaches of the Johnson administration, that Presi
dent Nguyen Van Thieu ultimately must send a
delegation to Paris, there is deep concern. This
is coupled with a retrospective wish that the Saigon
regime had been brought more frontally into the
three weeks of negotiations preceding President
Johnson's bombing halt announcement last Thurs
day night.
a
ONLY THIEU himself, Vice President Nguyen
Cao Ky, and perhaps one other top official were
privy to the U.S. plan as it developed from Oct
9 to last Thursday. Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker,
on orders from Washington, had warned Thieu not
to let his official family into the secret of the
delicate negotiations going on in Paris.
Bunker's explanation to Thieu reflected
Washington's desire for total security. Bunker's
explanation: if Thieu spilled the beans to top of
ficials of his own government, there would- have
been leaks all over the place, the element of secrecy
regarded as essential here would have been lost,
and political backfires against deescalation would
have started in Saigon. '
What complicated this was that 'Thieu himself
apparently did not realize the extent of opposition
' within his own government. Thieu, in fact, at least
temporarily lost control over his own administration
and was unable to deliver the support for the
U.S. plan that Bunker expected.
aaa
ACCORDING TO well-placed authorities here,
this inability of President Thieu to persuade Jus .
own government to support President Johnson was
a total surprise to both Bunker and Washington.
But there is reason to believe that Bunker was
counting on a few more days for Thieu and
Bunker himself to break the word to leading
Sairon politicians, including both Catholic leaders
and right-wing politicians in the National Assembly,
and win them over to the peace plan.
The original target for ending the bomb halt,
had all gone according to plan, was Nov. '6
one dav after the U.S. election. Through this timing,
Mr. Johnson would avoid any accusation of playing
politics with war and peace in Vietnam.
What threw the timetable out of whack was
the unexpected speed with which Hanoi told U.S.
negotiators in Paris that thev would accent a Saigon
negotiating team at the Paris peace talks the
toughest of all the obstacles in the way of a bomb
halt.
WHEN THE President received this word from
Paris, he and his principal advisers considered
holding off until the dav after the election, sticking
to the original timetable. They decided not to for
an obvious reason: U.S. lives could be lo :n
those intervening three days. But that decision
cut short Thieu's time to prepare his own govern
ment for the news.
Against that background, the somewhat similar
plight of newlv-elected President Eisenhower in
1953 has now been brought out for study inside
the Johnson administration.
Hard-line South Korean President Syngman
Rhee reacted with uncontrolled bitterness when
the U.S. (under the aegis of the United Nations)
signed a ceasefire with the North Koreans. Not
only did he denounce the ceasefire, he threatened
to march his South Korean troops north, raising
the spectre of clashes between South Koreans and
Americans. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles
sent Gen. Maxwell Taylor, top field commander,
an urgent message to keep Rhee "on a tight leash."
aaa
RHEE'S FURY FADED. With his troops
dependent on U.S. ammunition and supplies, his
position was hopeless. The threat of a march to
the north petered out and the ceasefire held.
This is the pattern Johnson administration of
ficials are now confident win be duplicated in
Saigon. If the Saigon boycott truly jeopardized the
Paris talks, the political reaction in the U.S. could
be swift and remorseless, .leading to a break in
the Washington-Saigon axis and perhaps an irresis
tible demand on the new President to bring the
boys back home and leave Saigon to its own
devices. That possibility will weigh on Thieu today
as it did on Rhee in 1953.
(O Bat, by Psbtihrr-Hifl Syaa.
Graffiti . . .
(In case you think we're making progress de
partment, part II.)
Help Biafra. Shoot a Nigger. (Written in tha
hall, Abel Sixth Floor.
Topical Poets & Tropical Fish
Are easy to come by
And live in a dish.
A pleasure to have
They tingle the mind
As they shine in the shallows
And eat their men kind.
But fate, fans, is fickle .
And "the paper39 is dear
To those who clean fish bowls
And the public's left ear.
So, please don't change the under
When tee drop in the polls
Or come Tuesday morning
We'll be bellie-up in our hotels.
J. K. BROWN
' t.
