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About The daily Nebraskan. ([Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-current | View Entire Issue (Nov. 7, 1968)
it. Puqe 2 The Dcily Nebraskcn THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1958 Our Napalm-matter of principle Dow Chemical's recruiters are back on campus. This time they took the precaution of furnishing us with a propaganda pamphlet designed to inform us on the altruistic motives behind their production of napalm and to help us background stories on any anti-Dow demonstrations that may occur. Dow makes it clear in the ' information" Ihey supplied us that they do not manufacture napalm for economic reasons. Napalm, they point out, amounts to only one-half of one percent of their revenue. The decision to continue the manufacture of the explosive jell, Dow says, is a matter of principle rather than monetary necessity. The principle, however, is a rather shoddy one. Though Dow says they are "supporting our com mitment in Vietnam" and "backing our boys," it is apparent that in every respect the manufacture and use of napalm is not in the best interests of America. TO BEGIN7 WITH, we are fighting a very ques tionable war; a war that has divided our homefront and considerably weakened the international status of our nation. In this context, the use of napalm lends the dissenters, both here and abroad, an emotional tool of unquestioned power. The national press has argued rather convinc ingly that the civilian casualties resulting from napalm have been over exaggerated. The fact re mains, however, that there ARE civilian casualties and that the horror of military casualties resulting from napalm is one of the primary reasons world opinion has allied itself against the United States position in Vietnam. The final and perhaps most convincing argu ment against napalm is the fact that it opens the door to the use of other ghastly modern weapons. How can we, for example, argue against the as of germ warfare by Red China after using napalm in Vietnam? Time magazine said in a news story that the efforts of the anti-Dow protestors on the campus have been largely misdirected since 60 or 70 other companies are out-producing Dow in the manufac ture of war materials. ANY COMPANY manufacturing war materials is indulging in the kind of profiteering most revolting to man. The manufacture of napalm, however, is a serious violation of the international rules of warfare, and a violation whose conse quences we will have to live with for years to come. That, Dow Chemical, is why you're having trouble on the campuses of America. That is why you have no reason to expect to leave the campus unscathed. Jack Todd Dick Gregory . . . Who are real counterfeiters? The really insidious nature of campaigning in a national election dominated by the two-party system came into new focus for me personally during the final weeks of the campaign. As an independent, write-in candidate for President (though my name appeared on the ballot in some states), I had been circulating handbills which bore some resemblance to a one dollar bill. My picture appeared where George Washington is placed on legitimate currency; though I was wearing a derby hat and a turtleneck. Since I have not shaved for over a year, any resemblance between myself and our Crst President is purely coincidental FEDERAL AGENTS entered my campaign headquarters in Tennessee and in New York City and confiscated my handbills. It seems, according to official explanation, that some of my handbills had been used in coin changing machines. A com plaint was registered that my campaign literature was "bugging" the machines. One wonders how far advanced our technology really is if a machine cannot distinguish between my handbills, with my picture on them, and a legitimate dollar bill bearing the portrait of George Washington! But then again, if such confusion is possible, perhaps the technological age holds un precedented possibilities for true integration. I have no doubt that my handbills were "bugg ing" the machine and that is the reason for their confiscation. I dared to challenge the "machine" dominated two-party political system in this coun try, along with other independent candidates. . IN THE traditional and accepted structure of American politics there is no place for such a challenge. Richard Nixon, for example, insisted that this is a two-party country and would not acknowledge the legitimacy of non two-party can didates. It is curious and frightening to my concept of true democracy to recognize that 1 was only accepted by government officials as a serious presidential candidate when my literature was "bugging" machines, both political and economic. I was an announced candidate for over a year. I was the only candidate who had his platform published by a major publishing house (WRITE ME IN!, Bantam Books, June, 1968.) Yet I was never offered security protection for myself and my family (a privilege accorded even Harold Stassen during the primaries.) Nor was I given security briefings by the President, another privilege accorded the preferred white candidates. IT MUST also be asked who are the real counterfeit campaigners in this country. Is it an independent candidate who prints his own literature find pays for it out of his own pocket? Or is democracy counterfeited by a candidate who at tempts to buy his way into the White House with the financial backing of one of the two major parties? Political ads published during the latter days of the campaign by the Humphrey-Muskie team accused Richard Nixon of trying to do just that with some 129 million. And the ads issued a plea that the Democratic team be supported to a 1 1 o w them to do the same thing. It is true that I circulated a few million pieces of campaign literature which bore some resemblance to a dollar bill. It seems to me that is the only legitimate "currency" which should be used to "buy" votes from the American elec torate. If such campaign literature is judged by our government to be a threat to the American economy, we should be more concerned than ever about the value of the American dollar. WaJe AHea SyndkaUoBS, Inc. Oh well back fo "I Love Lucr ' ditorials Commentary man Hoppe Honor, peace disrupt Wonderfuland by Arthur Hoppe Once upon a time in the country called Wonderfuland, the people worshipped both a God and a Goddess. The God's name was Honor. He was a handsome and virile God with a noble brow and flashing eyes. His temples were Integrity and Fair Dealing. And those who worshipped therein were blessed with the respect of their fellow men. Everybody loved Honor. THE GODDESS' name was Peace. She was as fair as sunrise, as gentle as twilight. Her temples were Love and Brotherhood. And those who worshipped therein were blessed with serentiy and abundance. Everybody loved Peace. So the people of Won derfuland worshipped both the God an Goddess with equal fervor and saw no reason to choose between them. And for years they enjoyed the bless ings of both, dwelling in serenity, abundance and the respect of their fellow men. Then one day the people of Wonderfull and somehow or another became ensnarled in a tiny, little war with a little, tiny country far, far away. It was Honor, of course, that ensnarled them there. "WE MUST honor our sacred commitments to whomever it may concern!" cried the Warriors of Wonderfuland, brave men and true. "Those who will not fight besmirch our sacred Honor." "We must not kill our fellow men!" protested the Peace Worshippers of Wonderfuland. good men and kind. "Those who would fight endanger universal Peace." As the war dragged on, the people grew confused. Was Honor more sacred than Peace? Was Peace more sacred than Honor? They didn't know what to think. BUT THE Leader of Wonderfuland as leaders will, came up with a brilliant solution of this seemingly in soluble dilemma. "What we are seeking in this war, my fellow Won derfulanders." he explained in a moment of inspiration, "is Peace WITH Honor." And all the lesser leaders and all the would-be leaders saw the brilliance of this and took up the chant: "Peace with Honor! Peace - with Honor! Peace with Honor!" THE PEOPLE sighed with relief. "Yes," they said, "that's precisely what we worship: Peace with Honor." So The Leader made the little war bigger and bigger to preserve Wonderfuland's Honor. But he refused to release Wonderfuland's full might on the little country for fear of endangering universal Peace. No one could argue with this. Those who would sur render Honor for Peace were accused o f blaspheming Honor. And those who would sacrifice Peace for Honor were accused of blaspheming Peace. So the people went on worshipping both with fervor. BUT AS THE war dragged on and on. a strange thing happened. Riots broke out in the streets. The Leader became hated. Neighbor turned against neighbor. The country's abundance was poured into the war. And few admired Wonderfuland as much as they once did. "But no one has sacrificed more for Peace and Honor than we," cried the people of Wonderfuland puzzled and un easy. "Why are we no longer blessed with serenity, abun dance and the respect of our fellow men?" Moral: U you have to choose, choose Peace. Youll be alive to enjoy its blessings. Chronicle Features Day after the election: a synopsis of possibilities The magi reached into the snow-white, bell-tongued ball of holidays at the end of the carol-singing sea and brought out Richard Nixon. For better or worse, perhaps till death do us part, we are stuck with it Everyone is walking around muttering to themselves, "four years, . . . four years." Perhaps it won't be that bad. After all, we can't really dn much worse. True, Nixon 1 s con spicuously tied to Strom Thurmond, is saddled with Spiro Agnew and hasn't answered a question straight since he told a 1962 press conference "you won't have Nixon to kick around anymore." Now we have him to kick around, in the flesh, and ten to one tha writers and TV men are about to have a field day unequalled since Lyndon Johnson pulled up his shirt to show his scar to the world. MOST OF THE people who voted for Tricky Dick did so with one thought in mind: a return to the quiet days of Dwight Eisenhower. That return, it would seem, is im possible. We are, however, curious to see if he can really pull it off First and foremost he must end the war. If hi suc ceeds in that, and he should, be must then settle an economy which may well go into cartwheels at the end of the war. Then he must tackle the cities: Nixon said in a widely praised statement last spring that he would bring the private sector into the ghettos and get the federal sector out. Current events in Detroit other cities indicate that this just may work. He must hope that all the black noncoms who presumably will be returning from the service don't us their know-how to make future insurrections in the ghettos even more devastating. He must learn bow to deal much better than he has to date with the New Left. To do this be will have to muzzle Spiro Agnew and keep his deals with Southern racists and the business establish ment quiet, if not eliminate them altogether. One must admire the way Nixon ran his campaign, even though it appears that another week would have destroyed it. One must also admire his comeback from the defeats of I960 and 1962. and his triumph over certain personal shortcomings. HUBERT HUMPHREY, after fighting the good fight, Daily Nebraska! i BMtan nM at Una. turn. TcXEPHO.VE Edoor 72-Z. Srn 7J-. Baoaail GlrVM. Mdrn. tummaattrx M Datfy Nebraakaa, Bona M, aarw laks, Caivrnity ef NtWaU, Laacott. Mmki a. bmtmertvltem ratea are M per mmaUr ar M far fha academic year. rmhimmd akaday, aVuaaiaaiy. Tbaraday and Friday oaring U erboet rear nan eeruw faaDma and axaia miwr tr Mm enateaie f da Varnrety af Ncbraaka mW Oar avtabrtkai 1 me Family fcaaratBRvUee aa Radeat Pabiataiaoa. Pebtiraianee shall be ma ma eeaaoratoe a the SaUamncPar ar aay perm eaande taa Uetveretty. Memeeia a Mat Kebraakaa are raaaaaa'aia lor et Lbrr eaaae la b eriated Member Aawnrtad Geiaajuaa Praia, KaOaaal fiaaratlaaal MttrMaf aarrlea. Editorial Staff Etfiar Jk- To); Managtax EdMar TA leeaoefes Heat rlor lava Gotta- caan; lw iwwa editor ua Gertaaai edHona! rut AaMHaat MoUy Mamrtli AMaat Niaht Neva Editor ioha Kraada: ftErta bttmr Mara Corona-. Scoria Ffciar Baady Vara; Kraaaa Staff Writer Jim eier, Mia Cwerak, Larry tVraaait, Caorca Kaafaaaa, Jaiie aha-rt, iia Paoerm. Terry Crane, fftU Snnthrrman. Cenaie WtaxXrs fieaior Copy bailor Jaaa WacoBeri Cepy EAtor Phrflia Mkjmmm. tarn run. J nor WaxaBer, adrea Wood: Paatatraeay Caief Daa Ladelys pfeatacraoaer i. K. aarni Arttat Gaa Plranaaa. Easiness Staff Bouse Manager 1. L. Scftarldti tnMtottym Roe geya: fntaaSnm Maav arer Mm Firming; Metisa! 44 Maaaccr Prut Shotoiaaer; Bouaet aerretary aaa ClaaMtird Ada Laaaa I Irk; Sabacntnina Maaarrr J jus Boatmr-i) Cbmiatioe Xaauera kv Parrilra. Bk Darac; Advertitiaf Brprmeataijvea Mnt Bran Jaal bane, Claaa rneadt. Kaaqr CafllttK, aa Uekar. land aaUer. promised his help to the president-elect and made it through his concession speech without crying. Nixon will need all the help be can muster from his opponents to deal with a congress that due to his extremely short coat tails, will be primarily Democratic. The times call for miracle workers. Dick Nixon most emphatically is not that. He cannot issue John F. Ken nedy's clarion call to "ask what you can do for your country." He cannot perform FDR's fireside chats, nor pla cate an angry nation with his fatherly presence a la Eisen hower. He can, however work. He can select a cabinet, if he shakes the Agnew syndrome, made up of the vast array of talent in the Democratic par ty. Nixon needed a mandate from the people and 20 or 30 new congressmen to be an ef fective president What he did not get is perhaps the great est burden he will carry into the White House. No president since Lincoln has faced such a hopeless sit uation. No president, however, has gone into office with such fervent hopes from the people that he can succeed. T.E. Inside report . . . Secrecy alters Saigon's refusal by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak WASHINGTON The embarrassing and surprising refusal of the Saigon government to go to the negotiating table in Paris is in no small part the product of a security blackout that kept South Vietnamese authorities in the dark about preliminary arrangements for a bombing halt. Indeed, behind studied confidence in the upper reaches of the Johnson administration, that Presi dent Nguyen Van Thieu ultimately must send a delegation to Paris, there is deep concern. This is coupled with a retrospective wish that the Saigon regime had been brought more frontally into the three weeks of negotiations preceding President Johnson's bombing halt announcement last Thurs day night. a ONLY THIEU himself, Vice President Nguyen Cao Ky, and perhaps one other top official were privy to the U.S. plan as it developed from Oct 9 to last Thursday. Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker, on orders from Washington, had warned Thieu not to let his official family into the secret of the delicate negotiations going on in Paris. Bunker's explanation to Thieu reflected Washington's desire for total security. Bunker's explanation: if Thieu spilled the beans to top of ficials of his own government, there would- have been leaks all over the place, the element of secrecy regarded as essential here would have been lost, and political backfires against deescalation would have started in Saigon. ' What complicated this was that 'Thieu himself apparently did not realize the extent of opposition ' within his own government. Thieu, in fact, at least temporarily lost control over his own administration and was unable to deliver the support for the U.S. plan that Bunker expected. aaa ACCORDING TO well-placed authorities here, this inability of President Thieu to persuade Jus . own government to support President Johnson was a total surprise to both Bunker and Washington. But there is reason to believe that Bunker was counting on a few more days for Thieu and Bunker himself to break the word to leading Sairon politicians, including both Catholic leaders and right-wing politicians in the National Assembly, and win them over to the peace plan. The original target for ending the bomb halt, had all gone according to plan, was Nov. '6 one dav after the U.S. election. Through this timing, Mr. Johnson would avoid any accusation of playing politics with war and peace in Vietnam. What threw the timetable out of whack was the unexpected speed with which Hanoi told U.S. negotiators in Paris that thev would accent a Saigon negotiating team at the Paris peace talks the toughest of all the obstacles in the way of a bomb halt. WHEN THE President received this word from Paris, he and his principal advisers considered holding off until the dav after the election, sticking to the original timetable. They decided not to for an obvious reason: U.S. lives could be lo :n those intervening three days. But that decision cut short Thieu's time to prepare his own govern ment for the news. Against that background, the somewhat similar plight of newlv-elected President Eisenhower in 1953 has now been brought out for study inside the Johnson administration. Hard-line South Korean President Syngman Rhee reacted with uncontrolled bitterness when the U.S. (under the aegis of the United Nations) signed a ceasefire with the North Koreans. Not only did he denounce the ceasefire, he threatened to march his South Korean troops north, raising the spectre of clashes between South Koreans and Americans. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent Gen. Maxwell Taylor, top field commander, an urgent message to keep Rhee "on a tight leash." aaa RHEE'S FURY FADED. With his troops dependent on U.S. ammunition and supplies, his position was hopeless. The threat of a march to the north petered out and the ceasefire held. This is the pattern Johnson administration of ficials are now confident win be duplicated in Saigon. If the Saigon boycott truly jeopardized the Paris talks, the political reaction in the U.S. could be swift and remorseless, .leading to a break in the Washington-Saigon axis and perhaps an irresis tible demand on the new President to bring the boys back home and leave Saigon to its own devices. That possibility will weigh on Thieu today as it did on Rhee in 1953. (O Bat, by Psbtihrr-Hifl Syaa. Graffiti . . . (In case you think we're making progress de partment, part II.) Help Biafra. Shoot a Nigger. (Written in tha hall, Abel Sixth Floor. Topical Poets & Tropical Fish Are easy to come by And live in a dish. A pleasure to have They tingle the mind As they shine in the shallows And eat their men kind. But fate, fans, is fickle . And "the paper39 is dear To those who clean fish bowls And the public's left ear. So, please don't change the under When tee drop in the polls Or come Tuesday morning We'll be bellie-up in our hotels. J. K. BROWN ' t.