Page 2
The Daily Nebraskan
Monday, September 23, 1968
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E. E. CUMMIXGS
Perhaps the great tribute to the framers of
our Constitution and to the various lawmakers who
succeeded them is the success they have had in
transforming law into moral right. This task, so
essential to the maintenance of any kind of govern
ing system, has been carried out to the point that,
for a while at least, the United States government
has succeeded in convincing its people that the
draft is moral.
One of the few virtues of the Vietnam War
is hat it has called attention to the fact, obvious
as it should have been, that legality does not
necessarily constitute morality. This knowledge has
not only led to widespread resistance to the war
and the draft, but has also fostered resistance
to all the other system cliches.
Whether or not a universal morality exists as
such, the selective service system is a tower of
immorality under any philosophy.
Just last week an Iowa judge sentenced a 19
- year-old Iowa youth, John Michael Brand, to six
years in prison for refusing to take the ceremonial
step forward at the Omaha Induction Center April
4.
Brand's case, if legality and morality were
at all the same, should have been cut and dried.
He is a member of Jehovah's Witnesses, a
religious sect unequivocally opposed to war. During
World War II Brand's father served two prison
sentences when he twice refused induction into
the military.
Brand's case has none of the complexities of
resistance to this particular war. He is a conscien
tious objector, pure and simple. Our laws, however,
are not constructed to allow for the intrusion of
morality into our "democratic" system.
Young Brand considerably upset the judge who
sentenced him by asking, "Now that I am being
sent to prison on equal terms with murderers,
rapists and robbers, I would like to know what
I was found guilty of."
The fact is that John Michael Brand is not .
guilty. He is innocent in the classical sense. He
is courageous beyond the understanding of those
who uphold our laws.
Onlj a nation long accustomed to upholding
the law. no matter how immoral it may be, would
dare hold him prisoner.
Jack Todd
George Kaufman . . .
Waiting pays off?
The other day I finally broke down and admit
ted to myself that I had really been missing out
on the good life in college by never pledging to
a fraternity.
But since none of the frats on campus would
have anything to do with me by now, I decided
to form my own. I got together a bunch of old
dormie friends' who admitted it had been in the
back of their minds for a long time, too, and
we agreed to set one up.
I PLACED a long-distance call to Mr. Cecil
Downbridge, the national secretary of the
Fraternity Registration and Coordination Com
mission in New York.
When I explained to him that we wanted to
form a new fraternity he sighed and said, "Dear
me. I wish you'd called me sooner."
v'hy?" I asked apprehensively.
"Well, we just gave away the last fraternity
name yesterday to a buncb of boyi in Tucion,
Arizona."
"You what?"
' "We just ran out of combinations of Greek
Utters, that's all. In fact, I'm afraid we hedged
a bit in giving a name to the Tucson group. We
bid to call them Alpha Gamma Yoi."
: "ALPHA GAMMA YOI?" I replied incredu
lously. I "Well, it was a Jewish fraternity, so we felt
we could get away with it, but I'm afraid we
can't stretch it any further."
"Well," I said, crestfallen, "I guess that's
tlaL"
He noted the tone of disappointment in my
viiee. "Well, perhaps we could set you up with
aft the other things and wait for a house to lose
accreditation or something. That's happening all
the time. Then you could take their name."
V "That would certainly be nice of you," 1 said,
sensing a ray of hope.
V "I'll tell you what," continued Mr. Downbridge
enthusiastically, "We still have several secret
handshakes left and, fortunately, one secret oath.
Of course, you'll have to devise your own initiation
rites and ali that."
r. "OF COURSE," I replied, elated.
"You're very fortunate, though. We have
several new Corvettes, one 1954 MG and two Austin
Heilcys left to rent out by the month which you
can plate out in front of your house. And, for
just a little extra, you can hire out young men
to follow you around all day and shoot across
the classroom. "Are you going to be AT THE
HOUSE tonight?' That's always impressive."
.'. A thrill ran up my backbone at the very
thought.
' "But there's only one Important thing, I broke
in.
: "One of our fuys is, well ... you know . , .
eelored ...
',' There was a pause at the other end of the
Hne.
"Maybe we ARE rushing things a bit," came
the voice then. "Perhaps we should wait until a
aime's ..vailapje to go ahead with all these things.
ITJ jive yeu a call then, all right?"
7,But . . ." He bad hung up.
WHEN I told the guys we would have to wait,
they were all very let down But we're still patient
ly waiting f'ir that call and not one of us has
thrown awaj our V-neck sweaters and London Fog
Jackets.
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Our man Hoppe ...
Shirley Temple meets the Russians
by Arthur Hoppe
No political commentator
has yet come up with an ade
quate explanation of the
Russians' erratic behavior
since they stormed into
Czechoslovakia, quickly cap
turing Prague, Bratislavia
and Shirley Temple.
First they looked tough,
then they looked sheepish and
for the past few weeks they'
ve merely looked bewildered.
THE ANSWER would seem
obvious to anyone who wept
over "Little Miss Marker,"
"Little Miss Broadway" or
"The Littlest Rebel." It's ob
vious to me and my friend,
Mr. Mark Hawkins, the noted
political commentator. I n
fact, we're working on a
movie scenario entitled,
"Little Miss America."
Open on a scene in the
Kremlin. The General (played
by Akim Tamiroff) is receiv
ing his orders from The
Commissars.
The General: Invade
Czechoslovakia? But why,
Comrades? What is this
treasure they have that we
must capture this treasure
that will bring the American
imperialits to their knees?
The Head Commissar (smil
ing cruelly) : Little Miss
America!
The General (elated): The
very symbol of Americanism!
The onf thing all Americans
over 40 cherish. I see it now,
we caputre her, force her to
extol Communism and
thereby destroy their will to
resist. I shall order my tanks
to roll at once. Here are my
plans . . .
The Head Commissar
(nervously): The CIA may be
listening. Speak Russian.
(Fade to montage o f
rumbling tanks, blasting
artillery and diving bombers.
Cut to square outside a hotel.
Ringed by Soviet tanks and
b a yonet-equipped soldiers,
bravely stands Little Miss
America played by Shirley
Temple. The General strides
forward.)
The General: Aha! Victory is
ours
Shirley (kicking him in the
shin before being restrained
by a brutal soldier): I think
you're mean, squashing a
nice little country.
The General: What's one
squashed country when we
shall win the world? Now
repeat after me, "Hooray for
the Revolution! All power to
the Soviets!"
Shirley (thrusting forth her
chin): Never! And you better
let me go 'cause Ronnie and
George are signing up a
Shirley Temple Brigade to
come free me and John
Wayne's going to lead it
himself. So there.
The General (blanching):
John Wayne! But no, he
wouldn't dare, not while I
have you in my tender
mercies.
Shirley (pouting prettily):
Golly Whillikers, I guess I've
got to use my Secret Weapon
then.
(A single tear courses down
her cheek. At the sight of it,
the General begins to sob, the
soldiers lower their bayonets
and scuff their toes, and the
guns on the tanks droop to
the ground. Cut to Shirley,
marching across the border
to freedom, carrying a n
American flag, to be met by
a CIA agent played by Bo
jangles Robinson.)
Well, the rest of the
scenario can be told briefly:
Shirley goes home to a boffo
lecture tour. The General,
clutching her picture to his
lips, loses at Russian Roulet
te. And the Soviets, now all
good guys, free Party
Secretary Dubcek, kick out a
lot of Czech Stalinists and are
only sticking around Prague
to see if they can't somehow
make amends.
So it's a great scenario and
a great explanation. But so
far, no one will buy it. And
that's odd when you consider
the ones they do.
Chronicle Features
Inside report ...
RFK's manuscript causes uproar
by Rowland Evans and
Robert Novak
New York A manuscript
by Sen. Robert F. Kennedy
on the 1962 Cuban missile
crisis, its very existence kept
secret from the public until
this week, threw the world
of publishing into an uproar
and may soon have a similar
impact on Washington.
Confidential negitiations for
posthumour publication of the
manuscript (only CO pages
long) finally concluded on
Thursday with an amazing
$1,000,000 agreed by McCall's
Magazine to be paid for
magazine and book righls.
When published, Kennedy's
last book will disclose how
much the missile crisis was
handled personally by tin
Kennedy brothers and how
little Dean Rusk, as Secretary
of State, had to do with it.
THE M A XI' SCRIPT'S
origin was a request last year
from the New York Times
Magazine for Kennedy to
write an account of the
missile crisis t o com
memorate its fifth an
niversary. Kennedy agree!,
but his manuscript soon ex
ceeded magazine length. t
the time of his death, Ken
nedy had completed the nar
rative in 90 pages but was
still polishing the prose.
After the assassination, the
Kennedy family turned Hie
manuscript over to Theodore
Sorensen. who edifpd it and
proceeded to offer publication
rights at prices that have
astounded the publishing
world,
Sorensen sold the serial
rights to McCall's. with
McCall's also having book
publication rights. The
manuscript will Include a
preface by former British
Prime Minister Harold Mac
millan (whose publishing firm
has bought British book
rights) and an introduction by
former Secretary of Defense
Robert S. McNamara.
With seven major New
York publishing houses in on
the bidding, Sorensen had
The highest offer was around
$300,000 from Doubloday-
Tli.se who have seen the
manuscript say it is surely
Robert Kennedy's own work
with few editorial intrusions
by Sorenson. Moreover, it
reveals as never before the
intimate role played in the
missile crisis by Attorney
General Kennedy, including
details of his conferences with
Soviet Ambassador Anatoly
Dobrynin.
Management of the crisis
is shown in the hands of the
Kennedy brothers with Rusk
relegated to a minor role.
There is one poignant, scene
where John and Robert Ken
nedy, at the peak of the crisis,
reminisce over hew they had
stood together previously In
times of personal stress,
particularly when their oldi-r
brother, Joe, Jr., died.
A footnote: Publishers were
irked that Sorensen's written
proposal for publication
specified that a "legal" fee
to him of $10,000 plus ex
penses would be shared by
the book and magazine
publishers. Normally, such
fees are taken out of the
purchase price of the
manuscript, but Sorensen did
not want to shortchange the
Kennedy Library.
Rocky in the Pentagon?
When they met hare
recently, Richard M. Nixon
murmured to Gov. Nelson
Rockefeller in parting: "I'll
be seeing you" on Jan. 21."
That would be the day after
the inauguration, a sign that
inauguration, a sign that
Nixon has plans for his old
intraparty rival in his Ad
ministration. Contrary to some published
reports that Nixon would fear
Rockefeller in Washington as
an independent power,
Rockefeller is now the top
prospect for Secretary of
Defense. For Secretary of
State (the job Rockefeller
would much prefer), however,
Nixon wants a lesser known,
more submissive figure.
A footnote: Friends of Sen.
Edward Brooke of
Massachusetts are pushing
him to be Nixon's Attorney
General. The appointment of
a Negro to this critical posi
tion would produce screams
of outrage from Nixon's
Southern supporters.
Tight Democratic Money
Well-heeled New Yorkers
who contributed so generously
to Sen. Eugene McCarthy's
Presidential campaign have
tended to close their wallets
for local anti-war candidates.
That's what Gov. Harold
Hughes of Iowa found in a
recent unpublicized fund-raising
expedition to New York.
Hughes, who has an ex
cellent shot at winning a
Republican seat in the U.S.
Senate, met with liberal fat
cats at Manhattan's St. Regis
Hotel in hopes if raising at
least $30,000. As it turned out,
he was lucky to end up with
pledges of $19,000.
(c) 1968 Publishers-Hall
Syndicate
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Opinion
Dear editor:
When will the DN leftist
guru come through "the mir
ror darkly" and cease to con
demn the anti-colonialist left.
The Nigerian genocide is in
effect a Qreat Britain neo
colonialist economic coup of
Biafran oil fields. I can docu
ment (i.e. Ramparts 97 '68I,
Wake up. "The whole world is
watching."
Phil
MAM CAN P06R6$9
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John Dietz ...
Free life begins
S: Please, Master, more food.
M: Work harder, slave, and we'll both have more
food.
II
S: Master, me and the other slaves need more
food tonight so's we can do better tomorrow.
M: Slave, you're MY slave. You first work better,
then, just maybe, I'll give you a little more
to eat.
Ill
S: Old man, me an' my brothers are going to
eat all the food we please tonight and tomorrow
and the next day. Then, just maybe, we'll go
work in those fields.
M: Animal! I'll get my friends and we'll maim
your children, rape your women and hang you,
if you try that!
S: Oh? And after this, after you've killed us all.
who will do your work? Don't be a fool. Don't
be afraid. Come. Join us in the field. Or if
you'd rather just watch and eat, that's all right
because somehow we'll manage to support you.
Only . . . from now on, there'll be no more
master, no more slave, and no more hungry
people.
A question concerning the tactic of direct con
frontation arose the other day when I was speaking
before a group of clergy and laymen on the western
edge of Nebraska's Sand Hills region. A lady asked
how the risk of violent reprisal through confronta
tion could be reconciled with my philosophy of
love and nonviolence (radical politics). Specifically,
we "demonstrators" knew the police would use
violence against us in Chicago, were we not
therefore responsible for that violence? Should we
not therefore have avoided the confrontation?
I HEDGED then. I hesitate now in stating
we were not responsible for that violence. Yet
obviously, the violence itself was not needed, and
that is the most immediate and important point.
We could have slept in the parks in peace. We
could have marched in an orderly fashion to the
Amphitheater without a single cop or trooper. The
Mobilization Committee had trained several dozens
of parade marshalls to insure that organized pro
tests would also be orderly ones. The demonstrators
were neaTly all intelligent, responsible, white, mid-die-class
youth ready to follow the leadership of
the "Mob', Those who care to Chicago were ones
who had not been intimidated by the many threats
from the Chicago power structure.
Yet this organized, self-governing nature of the
group was, to me, one of the things which most
provoked King Daley's fear of us. He saw several
thousands of persons massed into an autonomous
state. We challenged the top cat's power, and he
defended it with might and main.
We did not say, "Please, Master." We did
not accept tokenism. We were a free, self-governing
body of persons within his domain. We would not
be slaves to Daley or the police.
En masse, we demanded our constitutional
rights of assembly and free speech. Failing to
appease or terrify the ten thousand demonstrators,
unwilling to accept them as an autonomous power
block, the Chicago power structure openly resorted
to violence.
The Battle of Chicago was won by the
forcelessness of Love (Ylppies called it a Festival
of Life) because the forces of fear and violence
were unable to conceal the truth from the public.
Our skins were not black or red, and it was only
in rare instances that a few lost courage and
returned violence for violence. It became a great
victory, however, because the whole world WAS
watching and listening. The truth was not conceal
ed. (I predict an attempt will be made to cut
down the instances of free coverage which the
raiio and television press enjoyed in Chicago, once
Nixon or Wallace takes office.)
DALEY TIPPED the hand of America's entire
power structure that week in Chicago Now the
white-skins are angry.
We recognize that certain of our actions, taken
in the name of love and freedom, may well frighten
the King Daleys of this world into employing their
everydav violence against our action. They would
have us be silent. Vet the silence of confusion
or dissent is slavery It is silence, it is self-submission
to. slavery which permits brothers like
Daipy tt become masters We all do suffer from
vioif-n-e but if better to suffer the violence
nov than to submit forever to slavery and
ignominy.