The daily Nebraskan. ([Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-current, September 16, 1968, Page Page 2, Image 2

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

Monday, September 16, 1958
Poqe 2
The Daily ' Nebraskan
I s
On eloquence
in the '-Midwest
The Omaha World Herald yesterday waxed
elcnfij'nt as only the World Herald can.
"Considering what the New Left has done to
this country," they said, "we are pleased to say
that&darned well serves them right."
The World Herald was attacking those dirty
"leftists", the New Party, for nominating Bruce
Hamilton as their candidate for Congress from
Nebraska's first district. The illustrious newspaper
concluded that this would assure Robert Denney's
election to congress over Clair Callan, an event
which supposedly would serve the New Left right.
IF THE CHOICE is indeed between Clair Callan
and Robert Denney, the New Party could care
less who wins. The organization sought to nominate
a candidate opposed to the Vietnam War. When
Callan indicated that he did not support U.S.
withdrawal from Vietnam, the New Party had no
choice if it wanted to provide voters with an
alternative, but to nominate its own candidate.
Thus our first district has become one of those
rarest of items in the meaningless election of 1968
a place where the voters have a choice. '
If these subtle nuances of politics 1968 escape
Peter Kewitt's peons at the World Herald, we are
pleased to say that it darned well serves them
Come on, hoys
Not that we're picking on the World Herald,
but a cutline on their Sunday sports page is the
ultimate in juvenile journalism and the surest sign
of a newspaper unaware of its times, oblivious
to the civilization around it and smugly secure
of its position in a city without substantial
newspaper competition.
The picture shows Dick Davis sprinting through
the line during the Wyoming game. Underneath
some honkie journalist wrote, "There goes that
Davis boy . . . leaving friends and foes behind."
To call a black athlete who has been recognized
as one of the 13 outstanding men on this campus
a "boy" is unforgiveable. The insult was probably
not intentional, but the result is horrendous.
The only people who really got left behind
on that play were our friends and foes at the
World Herald.
Jack Todd
Larry Grossman ...
Behan's 'Hostage'
I was in a pub somewhere in London on a
Sunday morning drinking ale with an Irish truck
driver who had just come in from Mass. I spoke
of jny admiration for Irish literature, noting the
names of Joyce, O'Casey, and Brendan Behan.
r The mention of the last name brought a smile
to -the man's face and he told me that Behan
had lived in the. neighborhood and had patronized
the pub we were in. He pointed to the stool next
to me and said that was Brendan's stool. The
barmaid, a short lady with a heavyweight cham
pion's arms, leaned over the counter and said
that every stool in the place was Brendan's.
THIS WEEKEND the University .Theatre
presented Behan's play, The Hostage. The
performance, with its bawdy humor, songs, and
action, was like spending a boozy evening in the
company of the playwright.
The stage was set rather sparely, recreating
the" interior of a shoddy Dublin brothel inhabited
by whores, pimps, and assorted madmen. The ac
tors, all of whom did excellent portrayals, spoke
their lines in near flawless Irish and English ac
cents. "The play revolves around the holding of an
English soldier hostage in retribution for a con
demned Irish terrorist sentenced to hang by the
English authorities in Belfast. The script is full
of references to the history of the Irish Revolution
presented in speeches, and song, with frequent
asides for the capers of the people living in the
rtounterpointing the words and actions of the
players were scenes of the Irish revolution and
images of the memories, thoughts, and fantasies
of the players projected onto two flanking screens.
At ne point the players stopped their performance
and, shouted for the author. The beery visage of
Behan, shirt collar splayed out to his
shoulders.cwly hair drooping over his forehead,
and a glass of stout in his hand, appeared in
response to the shouts.
The evening saw frequent songs and dances
on stage and a bagpiper maching through the aisles.
The barrier of artistic distance was broken
repeatedly by the players asking the musicians
in the orchestra pit to hit a certain key, or by
asking the audience to join in on a chorus of
"When Irish Eyes are Smiling."
The audience viewed the performance with
relaxed attention and thoroughly enjoyed the even
ing, evidenced by their frequent applause and
raucous laughter. The actors too enjoyed presenting
the play, rbich is just the way Behan would have
wanted it
X WW. 126 THAT
m me pAst TH
i-fiC. HAS 5TpOt
fiesPoN&Erj To THE
General. Pouncfti.
,tv) T-H MOTION.
1 1
7 W
Our man Hoppe ...
The black man's
burden: racism
by Art Hoppe
It was a grim scene the
day the militant Black
Leader, Stokely Rapp, came
home early from a
demonstration and caught his
son, Tad, lounging on the
corner with two White boys.
"March into the house. I
want to talk with you," Rapp
told his son sternly. Then,
forcing a smile, he said to
the other two, "I think maybe
you boys better be running
along home."
ONCE in W kitchen, Rapp
wasted no time. "What did
I tell you about playing with
Honkies?" he demanded.
Tad made a circle on the
floor with the toe of his shoe.
"You used to let me play with
them in the park," he said
with a touch of defiance.
"That was when you were
small," said Rapp. "I played
with them when I was small,
too. Why, I was practically
raised by a Honkie woman.
But you're almost a man now.
You're going to have to take
a position of responsibility in
the Black community. You
want people going around
saying you're a Honkie
"Well, no, I guess not," said
Tad. "But I don't see what's
so wrong with them. Some
of my best friends are
Rapp shook his head.
"You'd betray all I've fought
for all my life, just like that,"
he said sadly. "Do you know
why we kicked them out of
The Movement? Because you
can't trust them. I never met
a Honkie I'd trust an inch."
"But why, Dad?"
"IT'S SOMETHING in their
blood. They're greedy for
power. They're clannish. You
let one in, you've got to let
them all In. And first thing
you know, they'll take over.
Anthropologists will tell you
they're different.
"But some of them seem
just like us."
"Sure, you'll meet a few
who try to pass for Black.
They learn our music, our
way of talking. But I can spot
them every time. They don't
have any natural sense of
"But if we don't learn to
live with them, Dad . . ."
"Live with them? What's
beautiful, Tad?"
"Black is beautiful."
White is ugly. Just ask
yourself, son, do you want a
skinny-lipped, pointy-n o s e d
Honkie to marry your
"I guess not, Dad. But I
can't help feeling sorry for
"And rightly, son. They're
burdened with 400 years of
guilt and neuroses. But we
can't be expected to wipe that
out overnight. Gradualism is
the only answer. And mean
time, 'son, our one duty is to
defend Black womanhood,
uphold the sacred concept of
Black Power and preserve the
purity of our race."
"I guess I understand. Dad.
And I'm sorry. But what
makes Honkies that way?"
"Guilt, son. They're guilty
of the one crime that above
all others destroys the human
"What's that, Dad?" ;
"Racism," said Rapp,
slapping his palm on the
kitchen table. "Never forget,
son, that every Honkie you
meet is. at heart, a bigot."
(c) 1968 Chronicle Features
Obvious truths hinder Paris talks
Four months have passed
since the Democratic
Republic of Vietnam (DRVN,
North Vietnam) agreed to
send in May 1968 a delegaton
headed by Minister Xuan
Thuy to begin official talks
in Paris with representatives
of the United States. Yet no
. progress has been made,
although Secretary Rusk
often in the past (before May)
stated that what he needed
was an answer, a signal from
Hanoi and the war would
be over.
But since then Washington
has escalated its conditions,
which in fact amount to the
surrender of he DRVN and
of the National Liberation
Front of South Vietnam
(NLF), and the recognition of
the legitimacy of the U.S. in
tervention in Vietnam. It is
not difficult for anyone who
has read only one page in
the long history of Vietnam
to predict that the answer to
such demands can only be,
No. The patience of the
DRVN delegation, whose
country is being pounded
daily by B52's is indeed
amazing. And so is the
persistence of the U.S.
delegation, "whose cities are
not touched by bombs, in their
rhetoric. Chicago's peace
is disturbed, not by the NLF
mortars, not by the students,
but by Mayor Daley's police
troops and their MACE.
' THE PURPOSE of any
meeting or. conference is to
reason over differences, and
to reason requires the admis
sion of certain basic truths.
If one side is deaf to those
truths, no conference can
succeed no matter how long
it lasts. On August 28 the
Paris talks had reached their
19th session; even at that late
date, Minister Xuan Thuy had
to call the attention of Averell
Harriman to such obvious
truths as these:
"I have many a time made
rn analysis of it (the origin
of the war). As fully
demonstrated by facts, the
origin lies in the U.S. govern
ment's aggression and its
sabotage of the 1954 Geneva
Agreements on Vietnam.
Especially the introduction by
the U.S. of more than half
a million troops and more
than 60,000 satellite troops
into South Vietnam, and the
unwarranted air and naval
attacks on the DRVN, have
exposed before the world and
American public opinion the
real nature of the U.S. ag
gression. "You (Mr. Harriman) have
besides tried to mislead
public opinion by pretending
that the United States has
only "limited objectives" in
Vietnam. It must be clearly
pointed out that the United
States has no right to have
any objectives no matter
how limited in Vietnam, for
the simple reason that Viet
nam belongs to the Viet
namese and not to the United
States the cities as well
as all the plains, mountains,
rivers, forests and seacoasts
in South Vietnam belong to
the Vietnamese people and
not to the Unied States.
"So-called 'limited objec
tives' of the U.S. in Vietnam
simply aim at occupying the
South in the hope of imposing
on it a neo-colonialist
domination. What an irony
and a fraud in President
Johnson's words about such
'civil efforts' as 'expanding
education,' 'planting new rice
fields,' and so on while U.S.
aircraft have daily been raz
ing to the ground so many
schools, hospitals, and
villages, and U.S. bombs and
chemicals have been
destroying crops and even
forests in both zones.
"President Johnson has
said that a 'genuine peace' in
Vietnam should be in keeping
with the 'vital interest' of the
United States and that a
formula which would get the
United States out of Vietnam
would be 'disastrous to the
interests of the United States.'
This is a plain confession of
the U.S. government design
which dismisses all your
allegation that you have 'no
ambition in Vietnam.' "
Those who are frustrated at
the lack of progress in the
Paris talks can find a reason
in the persistence of Mayor
Daley in Chicago who insisted
that his police, his troops, his
security agents were right
and were doing a good job
of keeping law and order; and
that the peaceful
demonstrators (among them
some delegates to the
Democratic National Con
vention) were outside
agitators and Communists.
Mr. Daley and Mr. Harriman,
after all, represent the same
interests, the same power
structure. They are different
in age (Mr. Harriman is
older) but they are not so
different in motivations and
i , ,. ---Min in r- --
Dear Editor,
Concerning your editorial in
Thursday's paper, I'd like to
add a few things. I agree with
Carl Davidson's statement.
Some students are very well
prepared to play "let's pre
tend government." But you
make this sound like it is bad,
when in truth it is good.
Even as far back as 1776,
people were in effect saying
"let's pretend that we can do
better than the King, and set
up a government which will
be fair to all people and will
be run by the people." Well,
they tried hard and partially
succeeded, and now people are
saying "let's pretend that our
government IS run by the
people and IS fair to all peo
ple." 'I'm not saying that we
should immediately
overthrow the present
system,' or that we should
leave the country. I still think
Daily Nebraskan
Second-clasa cost-ape raid at Lincoln. Neb.
TELEPHONES Editor 472-J58S. News 473-2M9. Buatoess VVM.
Subscription rain in M per semester or ts for & academic ra.
PnbUsbed Monday Wednesday Thursday and Friday dnrint e echoo) veir
except durlna vacation and ezair periods to the student, ef the (latvertlty
of Nebraska under the tartsdlctlcei of the Faculty Cuhcomm! tM oo ktudrat
Publication Publlcedooe thai) be tree from eeaeorehlp tor tb. SnbeoaminM
or any person outride tie (Jarvwaity. Member of (be Nebraskan an reenonaible
for what they oauseto be printed.
Member Associated Collegiate Preee National educational Advertising Service.
Editorial Staff
Editor Jack Todd; Managing Editor Ed Icenogle; New Editor Lynn Gottichaik;
Night New Editor Kent Cocksont Editorial Page Assistant Molly Murrell; Assistant
Night news Editor Phil Medcalf; Sports Editor Mark Gordon; Assistant Sports Editor
Randy York; Senior Staff Writers: John Dvorak, Larry Eclkholt, George Kaufman,
Julie Morris. Jim Pedersens Junior Staff Writers: Bart Dennis, Terry Grnbe, Holly
Rosenberger, Bill Smltherman, Connie Winkler; Senior Copy Editor Joan Waggoner;
Copy Ediiors: Phyllis Adkisson. Dave Ftlipi, June Waggoner, Andrea Woods; Photo
graph C hi Bsa Ladelyj Photographer Jin Shawl Artiste Brent Skinner and Gail
that this is about the best
place in the world to live.
Mainly because practically
every other nation also plays
let's pretend.
Take the so-called Com
munist nations, for example.
Their leaders say "let's pre
tend that we are in the pro
cess of setting up a true
communist society as
portrayed by Karl Marx, and
' let's pretend that the peoples
interest is of first and
foremost importance in all
our actions." And some of the
people are saying "let's pre
tend that we like our present
way of life." .
No, man has been playing
"let's pretend" for a long
time and will probably con
tinue to do so for some time
to come. So it is very good
that we learn how to play
the game in school before we
go out and play ''let's
pretend" for keeps.
In the Beginning God
created the Heavens and the
Earth . . .
And every living creature
therein . . .
Then U caraa t P8 that
man said to bis God, "father,
please, yi rather do ft myself.
So the decree went out from,
all mankind that God was
Dead . . .
In the End Man destroyed
the heavens and the Earth
. . . and Every living creature
Inside report . . .
Humphrey fans
set up facade
by Rowland Evans and
Robert Novak
Columbia, S.C. Although stopping short of
anything so blatant as a formal announcement of
support, the Democratic Presidential strategy here
is to give quiet aid and comfort to the third party
ticket headed by segregationist George Wallace
and hence keep South Carolina's eight electoral
votes out of the grasp of Richard M. Nixon.
Two weeks after the turbulent Democratic con
vention, which left loyalist party leaders here clim
bing the wall, Hubert Humphrey's national
organization has yet to make contact either with
the Democratic establishment or the burgeoning
black vote.
THE FACADE of a Humphrey "organization"
will be set up soon, headed by Thomas Chadwich,
longtime aide of the late Sen. Olin Johnston. A
few well-heeled party figures excluding
Democrats in elective politics will put their
names on a Humphrey-for-President state com
mittee. It will issue handouts, print literature, and
do little else.
The reason for this tells much about the
bankrupt condition of the national Democratic party
in this and other states in the Deep South. Vice
President Humphrey lost badly here in the bloody
battle of Chicago. Even before the convention, a
private poll showed Humphrey had only 11 percent
of the white vote.
Consequentlv, the Humphiey mathematics is
bleak indeed. Even if the Negroes, with almost
200,000 registered voters , turn out 140,000 for
Humphrey, a highly optimistic estimate, 11 percent
of an estimated 450,000 white votes would still
leave him with less than one-third of the total
a sure loser.
And this realistic assessment Ignores the depths
and passion of the Wallace love affair sweeping
the South.
Ten days ago Sen. Ernest F. Hollings, who
, is running for reelection without ever saying
anything good about Humphrey, instructed his top
campaign aide to scout out the Wallace
"organisation' 'and apnraise its political value. The
answer: there is no Wallace organization in the
conventional sense. Wallace is riding not an
organization but a spontaneous outpouring of sup
port that now takes in elements from every level
of society lower-income workers worried about
Nepro job competition to country club bluebloods.
Four years aeo. to cite one of many examples,
the Teamsters' Union stuck with Lyndon Johnson
against Barry Goldwater. Today the Teamsters are
with Wallace.
TO ABET this Wallace tide, and prevent the
Nixon vote from helping GOP Congressional can
didates. Democratic leaders are quietly pointing
out that reconstructing the party from the expected
shambles of November 5 will be easier against
what they hone s the temporary phenomenon of
Wallaceism than against the tough, pragmatic
Republican politicians who have already built a
substantial base in this state. Thus, when Wallace
'was invited at the last moment to appear at the
Darlington race track and address 70,000 people,
old-line loyalist Democrats had a hand in the in
vitation. Nixon aides were furious.
Sen. Strom Thurmond, Nixon's leader here who
held the Southern flank against Ronald Reagan
at Miami Beach, is staking his whole prestege
on winning South Carolina for Nixon. In sharp
contrast to Democratic passivity, Thurmond's
astute political agent, State Chairman Harry Dent,
has blocked out the most extensive GOP Presiden
tial operation ever staged here.
Dent met with Nixon aides in Manhattan on
Tuesday to put finishing touches on what may
become a $100,000-plus campaign. A blue-ribbon
Nixon committee, to be headed by retired Gen.
Mark Clark, is in the works. James F. Byrnes,
the most glamorous name in the state, will come
aboard later.
But Thurmond is now feeling a certain muted
hostility from his own traditional hard-core sup
porters whose natural haven in this election is
Wallace, not Nixon. His own reputation, as much
as Wallace's, Is squarely on the line.
"I hate to say it about Strom," a Wallace
businessman in Orangeburg told us more in sorrow
than anger, "but I'm bound to say he's let us
Thus the Presidential race here is a classic
contest between the South's two notorious former
Democrats Wallace and Thurmond with
Humphrey and Nixon playing secondary roles. And
even if the result does not affect the national
election, it will have massive implications for the
Republican party's future in South Carolina and
for Wallace and Thurmond.
(c) 1968 Publishers-Hall Syndicate
men and ideas
... I mav indicate brieflv what to me rnn-
stitutes the essence of the crisis of our time. It
concerns the relationship of the individual to socie
ty. The individual has become more conscious than
ever of his dependence upon society. But he does
not experience this dependence as a positive asset,
as an organic tie, as a protective force, but rather
as a threat to his natural rights, or even to his
economic existence.
Moreover, his position in society is such that
the egotistical drives of his make-up are constantly
being accentuated, whij his socia) drives, which
are by nature weaker, progressively deteriorate.
All human beings, whatever their position in socie
ty, are suffering from this process of deteriora
tion. Unknowing prisoners of their own egotism,
they feel insecure, lonely, and deprived of the naive,
simple, and unsophisticated enjoyment of life. Man
can find meaning in life, short and perilous as
it is, only through devoting himself to society .
Albert Einstein
v-.- , . , - - It
j,..,i..r . i .ii 7