THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
Editorials
Commentary
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 26, 1967
Page 2
The Regents
The general government of the Uni
versity is under the direction of the Board
of Regents.
No student, faculty member, adminis
trator or citizen in the state could rational
ly dispute this fact. Furthermore none of
these groups should hesitate to give the
Regents the respect they deserve or to
recognize their authority.
Courteous Respect
However, certainly the Regents as the
state's elected representatives also owe
courteous respect to the feelings and con
structive intentions of the students, the
faculty, the administrators and the state's
citizens.
For instance the Regents as a con
structive and enlightened government
should be making a determined effort be
tween now and next year to consider,
study and understand the Student Bill of
Rights.
The Bill of Rights is not a radical
document drawn up by several students,
but rather a serious attempt at improv
ing the academic atmosphere and life of
the Nebraska student. It was supported
and approved by thousands of students in
the school election this year.
Seriously Consider
These students represent every politi
cal philosophy and background. They do
not plan on stuffing the Bill of Rights
down anybody's throat, but these Nebras
kans do expect the University's leaders
to seriously consider the bill.
At least one Regent recently has been
making public comments about the Bill of
Rights. For the benefit of the University,
the students and the state, he should con
sult with the students and study the docu
ment more carefully.
The Bill of Rights is an important
issue to the students and it must be dealt
with accordingly.
Clark Kerr: Student Politics
(EDITOR'S NOTE: The following is
the second in a two-part series on
"Thoughts on Students and Politics," an
address by Clark Kerr, former president
of the University of California, which
was given at a conference on "Students
and Politics" at San Juan, Puerto Rico,
March 27-31, 1967.)
The tone of a campus, even of the
national student body, can be set by a
minority. In the 1920's it was set by the
collegiate group the athletes, the frater
nity men, the Big Men on Campus. These
students concentrated on activities, on so-
: rial life, on occasional pranks.
It is remarkable how so few can set
the tone for so many. The central fact is
that most students remain the same from
generation to generation. They remain
quite recognizable. But in each generation
a few thrust themselves forward, or are
thrust forward by the situation in the
stadium, in the classroom, before the
. microphone and come to stand as
changing multitude.
Peace Corps Type
This dominant political activist tone
" ignores two other partially related and
'- relatively new segments of student life:
Z theBohemians who are even fewer in
- number and the Peace Corps types who
Z are the most neglected group of all but,
" significant in the long run.
- Some student tones cause more
trouble for more people tnan otners. ine
- collegiate tone occasionally troubled the
dean of students; the vocational and aca-
a. - r .1 mi. . Ul 1 tit aaIUmi.
aemic lone 01 i.i tu a uuuuicu mc i-uucgc
and the dean of the graduate school; the
political activist tone of the 60's, the presi
dent and the regents. From scandals to
grades and revolt, the tone of each genera
tion has affected the temper and the
tenure of a different layer of campus ad
ministration. The life of an institution and the pub
lic reaction to it are greatly affected by
the tone of its dominant student minority.
The nature of this minority is quite vo
latile now one thing, now another. At
the moment, the nature is political.
Unique In History
The student political movement of the
1960's is, in the totality of its means and
ends, unique in American history. No
single element of its approach is entirely
new but the combination of these elements
is new. To speak of a "movement" at
all is to over-state the situation, for the
very nature of the activity makes it dis
persed and diverse.
There are changing localities of ac
tion, vehicles for expression, tactics to
pursue; wd no developed ideology. It is
a movement that can be seen and has
been seen by many different people in
many different ways.
"Confrontation politics" is the essence
of the new student movement confron
tation with the power structure en main
street, or the campus, or in Washington.
This is the particular form that political ac
tion has taken. Civil Rights tactics are the
great source of inspiration. The tactic is to
pick an issue and confront the power struc
ture with it as dramatically as
possible. There are a series of acts and
events, with a certain style to them and
moving in the same general direction.
Issne-By-Issue
There are two elements intertwined
in this new political activism. The first is
composed of the issue-by-issue protestors;
the second by adherents to one or an
other of the organized groups on the left.
It is the first element which is unique and
bas set the decade of the 1960's aside as
different from the past
The elements of confrontation politics
have attracted my attention as being of
particular Importance are these:
1. A concern for power: There is an
obsession with power. The refrain again
and again is the acquisition of power. It
seems to be assumed that,with power, evil
can be eradicated; that, without it, nothing
can be done.
"Student power" can bring pressure
on a university certainly, on a society
possibly. It requires no reliance on c re
luctant faculty, a quiescent labor move
ment, a non-existent peasant class. It also
requires no fixed ideology. Ideologies di
vide as well as unite. They divided stu
dents in the 1930'i.
2. The University tu a base for power.
The campus is the chosen focal point for
activity. It is the place to arouse interest,
recruit members, raise money, organize
action, and from which to launch attacks
on chosen targets.
3. Distaste for the "establishment.''
There is almost total rejection of the or
ganizations that administer the status
quo. The status quo is viewed as domi
nated by the "military-industrial com
plex." The university is seen as a hand
maiden to this complex, doing research
for it and training its servants. Much of
the intellectual establishment is viewed
as bought and paid for.
4. Orientation to specific issue: Ide
ology is suspect. Also, given the variety
of points of view among participants, it
would be completely divisive. There is no
more chewing on the beard of Karl Marx,
although there is a certain blindness to
ward the left-wing authoritarianism of
Cuba and China, even though authority
in other and less harsh forms is violently
opposed. If there could be said to be any
inherent central ideology, it would be
syndicalism with its emphasis on means.
And syndicalism was never much of an
ideology.
5. Participatory democracy. There is
a distaste for all bureaucracies, includ
ing their own. The ideal is the Town
Meeting, or the Quaker committee meet
ing. 6. Tactics for the short-run: The
methods of action are all aimed at quick
impact, such as the sit-in, the picket line,
strike, march, vigil, teach-in or other
forms of mass demonstration.
7. The importance of style: The new
reformation starts by nailing bold theses
to the Cathedral door with flash bulbs
and cameras ready to record the scene.
Demands are made suddenly, dramati
cally, publicly. Instead of working within
organizations and through channels and
by consultation, the appeal is directly to
the mass public. Thus it is necessary to
get the attention of the press and TV.
Violation of rules and the law is one quick
way of doing this. It is a lever that can
be pulled to get Instant attention. Adver
tising techniques come to the campus in
the service of prophecy not profit.
8. Allies and allied enemies: The new
activists can look, within the campus, for
support from the few Bohemians and of
ten from the Peace Corps and academic
styles as well; and outside the campus,
from the Old and New Left, the New
Theologists, and the remaining minorities.
The essential theme, however, is one of
students by themselves largely isolated
from external groups. They ask for little
help, as the slogan "don't trust anyone
over 30" implies.
The new approach has worked on
some issues and in some situations, but
not on all issues and in all situations.
The basic fact is that the United
States is not a country given to revolts
and that university students are not open
to constant revolts. Little revolts either
do not work at all or not for very long. The
issue-by-issue protest movement of the
1960's, as contrasted with the ideological
political activism of the 1930's, is more
dramatic and troublesome in the short
run but less permanent in the long-run.
Early Decline
Confrontation politics, on balance, it
now appears, may face an early decline.
Its use by students, in the absence of
new developments, may gradually fade
back to more normal levels. This will
equally disappoint the hopes of advocates
of student confrontation and the fears of
the enemies.
This is not to suggest that there will
be no more confrontation tactics, but
rather that they will set less of the tone
of campus life in the years Just ahead.
Confrontation will become a tactic in the
arsenal rather than the tactic. This form
of protest which followed upon apathy
will in turn be followed by some new
mood and style.
The dust raised by confrontation po
litics has often obscured to the public
the urgent fact that the student genera
tion of today has some very real con
cerns and some helpful suggestions. Its
means have too often stood in the way
of its ends. It is now time, it seems to
me, that its substance be brought for
ward in its own right; hat reliance come
to be placed more on persuasion in the
longer run than on confrontation in th
shorter run. The very flexibility of stu
dents will aid this transformation. Some
of the same people seeking the same
goals will embrace new approaches.
The new student has a role to play
in the new age in the United States.
This may illuminate rather than obscure
the concerns and the morality of a broad
er segment of modern American youth;
whose approach may beip to lead, rather
than fail to coerce, their fellow citizens.
However this may turn out, there will
be a new student generation and it will
again be different It will be different,
but it will continue to be in a position
to make its presence felt, one way or
another, more than in earlier periods of
our national history. This is one of the
new realities that neither the campus nor
society can escape.
Collegiate Press
Service
Our Man Hoppe-
Can Nixon Stand Pat?
Arthur Hoppe
Hi there, friends in tele
visionland. It's time for an
other visit with Dick and
Pat, those just plain folks
who live in the little vine
covered cottage up the
street and around the cor
ner. As we join them this
morning, Dick, bleary-eyed,
frowzle-haired and suffer
ing from 10 o'clock shadow,
is just staggering into the
kitchen. His lovely wife,
' Pat, and their two pretty
daughters, Trish and Julie,
are already seated in the
breakfast nook.
Dick (making an effort):
Hi, hi there, everybody. I
can't tell you what great
pleasure it gives me to be
with such a fine group as
... (he pauses, befuddled).
Good heavens, I can't re
member what group this
is!
Pat: We're your family,
dear.
Dick: Thank you . . . with
such a fine group as my
family this morning. As we
look ahead . . .
Pat (worried) : Please
dear, don't make a speech.
Not before breakfast. I'm
sure it isn't good for you on
an empty stomach.
Dick: Now, now, one lit
tle speech never hurt Hair
of the dog, so to speak. As
we look'ahead . . .
Pat: (wringing her
hands): Oh, you promised
me you would give up poli
tics. You promised the
press they wouldn't have
you to kick around any
more. You promised . . .
Dick (belligerently): I
can take politics or leave
them alone. Next, you'll be
saying I'm a habitual poli
tician. Pat: But just look at your
self. First you go off to Eur
ope on a month-long speech
making binge. Then you're
whooping it up at press con
ferences all over Asia. And
now . . .
Dick (triumphantly): Ex
actly! My extensive foreign
travels prove conclusively
t h a 1 1 am no petty politi
cian seeking votes in the
hustings. No, I have be
come a statesman.
Pat: A statesman?
Dick: Yes, I have
eschewed political machi
nations, given up buttonhol
ing delegates end risen
above personal ambitions in
order to travel widely
abroad and thus acquire a
comprehensive knowledge
of global affairs. These are
the demanding attributes of
a statesman.
Pat (happily): Oh, dear
est, I'm so glad. I'm sure
you are doing the right
thing.
Dick: I am too. Being a
politician was ruining my
image. And where are Rom
ney, Reagan and Percy
weakest? In foreign affairs.
Then, with Rockefeller out
. . . Well, thanks for the
three-minute egg. I'm off to
Latin America.
Pat (gathering her c h 1 1
dren to her): There, there,
we must have faith in Dad
dy. He will return to us one
day.
The Peaceful Snatch
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Campus Opinion
Make AWS Voluntary
Dear Editor:
As a coed who has never been campused I can still
say that I agree with those who feel that AWS should
become a voluntary organization.
I know that there are some girls who believe they
should have hours. If they need this "protection" it
should not be denied. But, those of us who do not wish
to be under AWS's authority should be given the right to
denounce membership.
"Auntie" A.W.S.
Membership, Courts Questioned
Dear Editor:
The demonstration against AWS court Thursday
brought to light two crucial problems the students on this
campus are now beginning to face: voluntary member
ship in AWS and the unwritten law that campus courts
are closed.
A petition is now being circulated which is destined
for ASUN which states that the undersigned students de
mand that AWS membership is voluntary. Being a mem
ber of AWS it is a proposal which I heartily support for
more reasons than can be enumerated here.
However I feel that it is unfortunate that the second
problem has been ignored or forgotten in the onslaught
of controversy over AWS membership.
I believe that a valuable means of communication
between students and their representatives is being lost
by the closed court policy. If students were allowed to be
at court proceedings it would facilitate understanding of
those organizations of which they are members. An un
derstanding is a prerequisite for students to fill their
positions as informed, competent, and concerned mem
bers of the university community.
Andy Corrigan
Simple Answer, Complex Problem
Dear Editor:
The letter written to you appearing on April 20 un
der the heading "Greeks Have Rights, Too" needs ap-
preciation for its indication of a very simple answer to
a very complex problem of human society. But a few
points still trouble me off and on. As the name of the
writer is not known, I would like to call him Mr. B. (accord
ing to the last remark "No Baloney").
Refering to the questions of Mr. B., "Why shouldn't we
discriminate? Isn't one of the basic tenets of our demo
cracy that people have the right of free association?" I
completely agree to the later portion but the trouble
arises when I try to connect the two. Is it completely
correct that according to American democracy free asso
ciation can only be obtained by discrimination? And if
that becomes the final idea then isn't it true that all
our efforts towards a great cosmopolitan university of
education and culture have failed? I do not think we do
this discrimination while assigning the Negro youth to
fight in Vietnam shoulder to shoulder with fellow white
(Greek, as Mr. B. says) Americans!
For centuries in the past, different ancient civiliza
tions of the world knew this process of discriminaton and
practiced it to the fullest extent. As a result they lost co
operation, lost a lot of talents, became slowly weaker
and disappeared in the march of time. The nations who
still practice this are the most backward on the surface
of the earth and we call them underdeveloped. Most of
us know how the unfortunate Negroes were snatched
away from their motherlands to some early American
plantations (wasn't that interfering into small circles of
unwilling harmless people?). All the efforts were concen
trated by some white people to keep these poor beings
from any kind of human advantage. Were both the sides
happy and peaceful?
There is a proverb "Rights in the hands of a few
is evil." I Co not think we have any democratic rights
unless our minds are improved enough to claim it to be
at a human maturity standard. It does not need a human
brain to stay enclosed in one circle. All creatures do
that. It is only when we arrive at human level that we
have enough mental development to be able to over
look these differences.
One of the basic differences of man from other ani
mals is that man always tries to improve himself more
and more. A good way to do this is to learn from others.
For thousands of years many people took lots of troubles
to look into other worlds. It went in many forms as ex
pansion of religious thoughts, extention of commerce and
exchange of ideas through education and other means.
We do not know when it started, but I am almost sure
that if this wasn't done in one way or other, that is if
all the people in all the ages decided to stay happily in
their own circles, we would be sitting in the stone age
again and not much Greek or Negro would be left of us.
Deb
. by Steve Abbott Groat In Spite of YD's
Going to war Is a citi
zen's patriotic duty. Com
plying with your induction
notice is the very least you
can do to repay the country
that has given you so much
these are popular, un
questioned assumptions. Be
side these arguments most
Americans dismiss as irrel
evant any talk of morality.
.But even if morality were
irrelevant and we consid
ered only America's inter
ests, can we be sure that
compliance with the draft
is always patriotic?
Constitution
Webster defines "patrio
tism" as "love of country
and devotion to the welfare
of one's country," and "pa
triot" as "one who zealous
ly supports the authority
and interests of one's coun
try." I trust that no one
will quarrel with these defi
nitions and I assume fur
ther that all agree the "au
thority of government" is
the Constitution.
The draft a danger to our
principles of government?
You never realized this? I
refer to a speech Daniel
Webster delivered to the
House of Representatives
on Dec. 9, 1814, concerning
a conscription bill intro
duced during America's
first great war, waged
against Britain. I would
ask you r!i.? the entire
speech "-?r what follows is
mere!.r a condensation of a
couple sections:
"Is this, Sir, consistent
with the character of a free
Government? Is this civil
liberty? Is this the real
character of our Constitu
tion? No, Sir, indeed it is
not. Where is it written in
the Constitution, in what
article or section is it con
tained, that you may take
parents from their children
or children from their par
ents, and compel them to
fight the battles of any war,
in which the folly or the
wickedness of Government
may engage it? Under what
concealment has this power
lain hidden, which now for
the first time comes forth,
with a tremendous and '
baleful aspect, to trample
down and destroy the dear
est rights of personal liber
ty? .. .
"But it is said, that it
might happen that any
army would not be raised
by voluntary enlistment in
which case the power to
raise armies would be
granted in vain, unless they
might be raised by compul
sion. If this reasoning could
prove anything, it would
equally show, that when
ever toe legitimate powers
of the Constitution should
be so badly administered
as to cease to answer the
great ends intended by
them, such new powers
may be assumed or
usurped, as any existing ad
ministration may deem ex
pedient . . . then the powers
of Government are precise
ly what it chooses they
should be.
"The tyranny of Arbi
trary Government consists
as much in its means as in
its ends: and it would be a
ridiculous and absurd con
stitution which should be
less cautious to guard
against abuses in the one
case than in the other . . .
A free Government with
arbitrary means to admin
ister H is a contradiction; a
free Government without
adequate .provision for per
sonal security is an absurdi
ty; a free Government, with
an uncontrolled power of
military conscription, is a
solecism, at once the most
ridiculous and abominable
that ever entered into the
head of man."
Daniel Webster
Daniel Webster was one
of the first to raise b i s
voice against the peaceful
snatch of constitutional
guarantees by a draft sys
tem but he has not been the
last. I would refer the read
er to the c a s e of Mitchell
vs. United States, and the.
brief of Mr. Mitchell for
more detailed information
on the situation. Justifica
tion for the draft call can
not simply be found in the
text of the Universal Mili
tary Training and Service
Act. Unless that act con
forms to the supreme law
of the land it is of no force
and effect. Marbury vs.
Madison i U.S. 137.
Dear Editor:
The Daily Nebraskan should perhaps be congratulated
for its worthy efforts to keep democrats informed of the
latest social events in the so-called Young Democrats.
With their previous hero behind bars for selling porno
graphy, it is only fitting that they now look elsewhere
for guidance and inspiration. Perhaps, last Thursday,
they found a kindred spirit in the weak sister who spent
most of his time throwing rocks at other democrats and
criticizing a people of whom he knows nothing: Those
Nebraskans who do not presently attend the Nobby Tie
mann Study Club for Rich Kids, for example, even though
they have not been enlightened by the "pillar of wisdom"
in question, are certainly not unaware of the fact that
small towns are declining in population.
Whenever there is a political campaign, whenever
there is a picket line to man, or campaign work to be
done, or constructive suggestions to be made, or a pub
lic criticism of republicans in office needed, the so-called
"Young Democrats" of this campus are conspicuous by
their absence and their silence. So here's a word of en
couragement for all you YD's: keep it up, the Democratic
Party will continue to be great in spite of you.
Tom Bleser
Daily Nebraskan
YL M Xe. M
April on
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