Paejr2
The Daily Nebraskan
Monday, October 31, 1966
Wednesday's Paper
"Wednesday the Daily Nebraskan will feature its first
speeial election edition.
This issue will include six pages on the Nov. 8 state
election with interviews of all the leading candidates and
stories explaining the other election races and issues.
Wherever possible the stories try to emphasize issues im
portant to the University and the student.
'Students live in a world of their own at the Univer
sity and in many ways this is preferable since it gives
them a chance to learn leadership and to concentrate on
idealistic and educational ways of living.
'" But at the same time the student cannot know
enough about the issues in the outside world especially
in his own state.
'.The Nebraskan encourages every student to read the
special edition Wednesday as completely as possible in
order to have a better than average understanding of what
the issues and personalities are in the Nov. 8 election.
If a student is 21, the paper hopes that the special
edition might make his election votes more meaningful.
If a student is not 21 yet, it is hoped that the edition will
encourage him to start understanding state politics and
issues now so that he will be a better informed voter in
the future.
-The 'Nebraskan besides trying to report the facts and
issues in Nov. 8's election will also take an editorial stand
on -some of the races and issues which the paper feels
itself qualified to comment upon.
It is understood that these editorial endorsements do
not represent the consensus or feelings of the University,
but those of the Daily Nebraskan.
Halloween .
Now That We're Old
By Mick Lowe
To most students Halloween conjures memories of
sheets, goblins and the run-of-the-mill vandalism like soaping
windows, tripping little old men with wires etc.
For students living at home, on the other side of the door
Halloween is anything but a fond memory.
The first thing he discovers on Halloween night is that
anything more demanding than listening to President John
son read a speech is well nigh impossible. The doorbell keeps
him busier than the Titantic's swimming instructor.
The second revelation is that the timid days of "Trick
and"Treat" are passe.
Perhaps the closest modern counterpart to Halloween
is the Normandy invasion. Thousands of under-nourished
urchins land on the front porch, back porch or any aper
turejarge enough for a dirty hand to grab a candy bar.
Jhey are, of course, motorized. Their parents drive
them trick-or-treating, apparently in the hope of supple
menting the family refrigerator or opening a candy
store. They roar up in Cadillacs and begin practicing
legalized extortion.
The modern trick-or-treat dialogue may run something
like this:
"Trick or treat."
"Hey, aren't you the creep that gave us those lousy
twoient candy bars last year?
"You expected pheasant under glass, maybe?"
T'Listen pops, I put that candy bar under glass and
stillSfcouldn't read the wrapper."
ffVery funny."
TYou think eggs on your house would be funny?"
Aaah look IH give you two candy bars this time.
OKf
"Uh-huh. And for my little brother, one for my sister,
three for my big brother ..."
"Three for your big brother?"
"He plays football."
"Very big deal."
"He's in the car."
"Have six."
And with that the junior league Mafia swoops down
on the next unsuspecting victim.
We discovered long, ago that a jack-o-lantern on the
front porch stands about as much chance of surviving
the night as Martin Luther King at a Klan rally.
The jack-o-lantern is usually knocked off the porch,
smattered to smithereens, and the candle used to light
cigarettes, piles of leaves and sometimes even the n e x t-door-neighbor.
(He is a school teacher and his popularity
seems to rate somewhere below George Lincoln Rockwell).
So the guerrilla warfare is waged throughout the night.
Bridges, canhorsei and dogs are painted, maybe even
blown up j the kid has a big enough chemistry set. "
Student! in the dorm seated eleven stories above a
placid-looking Lincoln should not be deceived. The zenith
of Halloween ambition, when two 4-year-old kids with
machine knock on every door of Abel Hall cannot be
laroff.
The opening line will probably be "Trick or Fire," and
they'll no doubt take Dennis Richnafsky hostage to carry
their loot.
Campus'OpinJon ...
Things Got Worse
Dear Edllon
As another atarving student still waiting for his scho
larship check, I want to congratulate Laura Partsch for
her letter in Thursday's edition. She pinpointed the prob
lem very nkty,-r::::
It seems the people In charge of these things bave
a routine they follow and they're damned if they're going
to let the needs of the students upset that routine.
Miss Partsch is a freshman, apparently experiencing
her first frustration at delay after delay after delay. My
advice to her Is: Cheer up thing! could be worse. And
everyone knows the rest: "So I cheered up, and, sure
enouj&Jthings got worse."
".. - T".,. Hungry
Daily Nebraskan
vol. 80. -ftL a
Oat. il, 1M
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V
'Look Back In Anger9:
Needs Some Polishing
1 RI4tST.
terHltil. SoF6u)AR6 BeeMe-
That's What It Says
By Michael Lerer
Anyone on the Left who
was fortunate enough to be
outside of Berkeley this
summer knows that Viet
Nam is not the country's
hottest political issue.
In fact, it is startling to
note how many people op
pose the war, how frozen
the battle lines are, and
how very few of those who
oppose the war are moved
to any sort of action.
For the attention of the
country is almost hypnoti
cally fixed on two words
that at least at first glance
are only peripherally rele
vant to the war: Black
Power. The reactions range
from puzzlement (amongst
oldtime white liberals who
were supporters of the civil
rights movement) to hos
tility (amongst just about
everybody else except cer-:
tain sections of the Negro"
ghetto).
And above all else there
is fear fear that Ameri
ca may soon erupt into a
society of open dissension
and violence. Most liberals
point to what happened in
Chicago as a demonstra
tion of the fierce and un
controllable passions that
might be liberated by a
drive for Black Power.
The swastika, Nazis and
youth marching with pla
cards calling for white pow
er were all to reminiscent
of the 30's a period
most liberals thought was
buried forever. "Can't you
see," argue these white
liberals, "that the call for
Black Power not only weak
ens the civil rights move
ment but also weakens the
very fabric of American
society as it destroys the
liberals' consensus and po
larizes everyone between
Left and Right
And don't you see also
uWHim wm'MJW. qiMiMJm. Mm mmnrntmrnm ewn" ujii m uwmiiawmwiwi -wmk
CFDP the name stood
out awkwardly, against the
grain. It took quite a while
to get the letters out of your
mouth, but once you said
"CFDP" you felt proud as
if you'd accomplished some
thing. The name was unique
and nonconformist; it didn't
compromise with advertiz
ing jargon or psychological
gamesmanship.
But now the name is
changed. Why? It seems
that Carl Davidson's stig
ma (or "stigmata") of
fended onlookers. To avold
contamlnating association
with Davidson, the party's
name was changed. Agen
blte of Inwit! Remorse of
Conscience!
Are the party members so
colorless that one faction or
personality will irrevokably
categorize the whole party?
What if other political par
ties acted this way? I won
der how old Eisenhow
er would have felt if he woke
up some winter morning to
find the name of his party
changed to REASON
to counteract the baneful ef
fects of the Goldwater cam
palgn and avoid embar
rassing Identification with
the Birchers, or If H at r y
Truman awoke to see his
party renamed EQUALITY
(explanation to disassoci
ate all "true" Democrats
from nasty racists down
South). "Why hell," that's
what old Harry'd say.
I suppose old Harry and
I are just backward-looking
sentimentalists' to worry
about names. I must con
fess I once thought of chang
ing my name too in order
to better express my real
personality. Spike! How
does that sound? Good im
age huh? But at the last
moment I reverted to my
conservative inclinations,
and remained yours truly,
Steve.
CFDP is now PACT.
(Read that sentence three
times so you don't forget.)
Let us examine the poten
tial of this new name. Cam
paign posters will read:
"FACE PACT & FACE
YOURSELF," PICK A GUY
WITH - IN - PACT, PICK
PACT," or maybe "RON
ALD PFEIFER PICKED A
PACT OF PIC KLED PEP
ERS." Yes, the possibili
ties are endless. Try this:
"GO COMPACT" (COM
being very like CUM which
Is Lath for WITH . . .
ad naaseum). The party
right wing can be called
COLD-PACT and the left
wing HOT-PACT. Campaign
brochers can be called
"fact pacts."
This is the first column
I've written on politics. My
deepest feeling is that our
party by any other name
can be just as sweet. What
counts the most is what's
up front, or in plainer lan
guage, will PACT have the
the thorns to goad students
. Into action?
' So far a small but dedi
cated core group has argued
about everything from de
tails to principles. At last
a constitution is drawn up
and a group of dynamic of
ficers elected. Now comes
the real test of any politic
al party.
Can PACT mobilize and
lead a large following? Can
PACT senators influence
the direction of ASUN in an
organized way or will they
continue to let things hap
pen by accident. In our next
column we will think about
what a university should be
and how student politics can
help attain our goal.
that in simple power terms
there are incredibly many
more people who will shift,
to the Right than to the
Left if forced to choose
(including even some peo
ple we like to call liber
als)." Some of this may be
true, though it still leaves
open the evaluative ques
tion: perhaps a society that
does not smooth over its
political differences but en
courages open conflict
might have advantages over
a society in which a vague
liberal consensus served to
keep everyone in his (often
not terribly acceptable)
place.
But such arguments are
really irrelevant to the situ
ation: regardless of how
we evaluate conflict in a
society the fact of the mat
ter is that our society can
no longer succeed in sup
pressing it The Neg
ro movement is not the
civil rights movement and
Black Power can never be
assimilated into "Freedom
Now."
Black Power is a slogan
that symbolizes the Ne
groes' determination to fight
not just for ideas of equal
ity and non-discrimination
but also for concrete self
interest. As such, it is part
of the same tradition that
inspired almost every other
minority group (though ad
mittedly many of these
others faced less organized
opposition) to fight its way
into the inner circle of
American political and eco
nomic power. These other
ethnic groups recognized
that American society is
organized pplitically (and
to some extent economi
cally) along religio-ethnic
lines.
The Negro is finally pre
pared to reject forcibly the
societal myth that the ma
jority of Americans are "a
mass of disinterested indi
viduals acting only for the
welfare of the entire com
munity." And if the resis
tance he encounters Is sig
nificantly greater than the
resistance that, say, the
Jews or the Irish had to
face, one ought not to be
surprised if the tactics that
he will use will be more
coercive.
In so far as Black Power
represents a real effort of
the Negro at communal
self-assertion and self-help,
It is the most encouraging
development to take place
in the Negro community
and should be supported
and applauded. But regard
less of our attitude towards
It, Black Power is not the
sort of idea that's going to
go away if only some white
liberals could convince
SNCC or CORE to get some
new leaders.
Black Power represents
an irreversible trend In the
Negro community, and one
that we who are In the
civil rights movement must
understand.
(Lerner is on the staff
of the Daily Californian.)
EDITOR'S NOTE: The following review
of "Look Back in Anger" which opened
Friday night as part of the University
Theatre's repertory system was written
by Kenneth C. Pellow. Pellow is an in
structor in English at the University and
a graduate student.
e
Casting a heavy-set person as Jimmy
Porter in John Osborne's "Look Back in
Anger" is probably not as theatrically
unsound as casting me (at 150 pounds)
as Jack Falstaff would be, but it is com
parable. However, Joseph Baldwin, direc
tor of the University Theatre production
of Osborne's "angry young man" play,
has done just that; furthermore, thanks to
an excellent actor named Dean Tschetter,
it comes off well.
"Look Back in Anger" opened last Fri
day night at Howell Theatre. In the rep
ertory system being employed again this
year by University Theatre, It will alter
nate week-ends with "As You Like It."
The two present an engaging contrast,
for there is little that is fanciful, and
even less that Is light-hearted about Os
borne's play. It is a harsh, bitter, black
humoured story of a young man who
was born "out of his time," into an age
where there are no "good, brave causes"
for which to die.
"He would be a revolutionary, but.,
what's to revolt against in a world in.,
which nobody cares anything about any
thing? As Jimmy himself observes, all
the dying for good causes has been done,
the last of it having been in the 1930's
and '40's. Today in Jimmy's scheme
of things, at least there is no "enthu
siasm", no involvement, no concern over
anything worth being concerned over;
there is only injustice: "the wrong people
going hungry, the wrong people being
loved, the,, wrong people dying."
As a result of his frustration, this an
gry man the first of his genre on the
English stage strikes out viciously at
those nearest him. As he has been hurt,
so he wishes to inflict hurt; although
hurting is no joy, at least it will prove
the existence of something human in him
self as well as in those around him. He
can only hurt verbally, however; at rant
ing, raving, and raging, Jimmy is un
beatable it's doing anything about his
condition that presents him with a real
barrier.
It is just here that this role and Mr.
Tschetter's capabilities would seem to be
not made for each other. Jimmy is con
ceived of by Osborne as being a "tall,
thin young man," who, despite his rav
ings must be suspected by an audience
as being ultimately ineffectual. Tschetter,
on the other hand, can hardly avoid giv
ing the impression of being a powerful,
forceful man; both his physical appear
ance and his voice contribute to this.
There is another questionable directorial
decision: When doing an England-situated
play with midwestern American students,
a director must decide between having
his actors speak "normally" hoping the
audience will accept them as British any
way and having them adopt British
accents and hoping the audience will
not be bothered by some obvious feign
ing. Baldwin chose the latter, though the
. 'suspension of disbelief" is probably more
easily extended to the former.
The result was a source of trouble to
two of his actors: Phyllis Knipping (as
Alison Porter), and Ric Marsh (as Cliff
Lewis). Mr. Marsh gave a good perfor
mance, demonstrating an especially fine
sense of comic timing; nevertheless, he
seemed at times to be "reciting lines"
as a result of having to concentrate on
a difficult accent.
Miss Knipping had an especially diffi
cult time in the First Act, owing to the
nature of her lines (plus, of course, her
having to make an effort to handle the
accent). Mrs. Porter's lines in the open
ing scene are such as: "What's that. I
wasn't listening," and "All right, dear."
Her task, throughout the scene, is to con
vey a sense of detachment, without ap
pearing to be uncomprehending. It is a
difficult bit to bring off, and .Miss Knip
ping's body .movement and facial expres
sions were excellent.
However, her lines were delivered not
as though she were not really listening
to what she was saying, but as though
she was savoring each word. Undoub
tedly, this resulted from the fact that she
was concentrating on each word. A simi
lar concentration appeared to bother her
most of the evening until her very last
and most emotional, by far scene,
when, probably without realizing it, she
dropped most traces of the accent and
gave out with some of the show's finest
acting.
To this point, my comments have per
haps sounded entirely critical. If so, they
do not justly represent my attitude to
ward this production, for I enjoyed it
very much. Probably the outstanding sav
ing grace which it possesses is Dean
Tschetter's ability to handle lines. How
ever physically unfitted to the role he
may be, he makes his overall performance
generally convincing by excellent timing
and the kind of capacity for language
which one believes Jimmy Porter should
have.
Several of the play's best lines were
conspicuous by their absence on Friday
night. These included Alison's comparison
of Jimmy to a Shelley who is looking
for her to be Mary and her father to be
Godwin and Jimmy's speculation of the
book he may someday write: "And it
won't be recollected in tranquillity either,
picking daffodils with Auntie Wordsworth.
It'll be recollected in fire, and blood.
My blood."
This latter is the only hope we have
that Jimmy may ever do anything about
his lot, and the picture of him at this
time as a Shelley without a Mary,
without a political theorist for a father-in-law,
without a French Revolution, with
out labor malpractices to be legislated
against, etc. is an excellent one. If
these lines were accidentally omitted, it
is unfortunate. If they were deliberately
cut, it is unforgiveable.
The role of Cliff in the play seems not
to have been utilized to the fullest. Mr.
Marsh's reactions to some of Jimmy's
digs were sometimes a bit too vociferous.
Thus Cliff's function of acting partly on
behalf of the audience was carried out,
but his more important function that
of serving as a "buffer" between Jimmy
and Alison was minimized.
One of the productions most pleasant
surprises was the fine job done by a new
comer to University Theatre, Joey Close
as Helena Charles. An adorable por
trayal of the very formal, dignified, but
baffled Colonel Redfeni was made by
Steve Gaines. Though brief, this role is
important for what it offers by way of
explanation of the personality of the colo
nel's daughter, Alison. Mr. Gaines and
Miss Close had less trouble with the Bri
tish accent than did some of the others, "
partly because of the stilted stuffiness of
the characters they portrayed.
The production was generally smooth
and was helped by a very functional set.
Much credit would seem to be due to
scenic painter Larry Kuck. Those prob
lems which the production did have, with
lines, blocking, etc., are almost certain
to have been eliminated by the next time
the play is done, on the weekend of No
vember 11th and 12th.
Hiiiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiii iiiiMiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniii iiiruiifiriiiiiiriiitiiniMtiiiiJtiutiHfiftiiiiJivitfiijiiiiffiiifijiusisifiniiiiiujiififaafififiififi-
! Bill Minier's I
Elections are only one
week away, and how many
of the 'best men' are going
to be elected? The senator
ial race in Nebraska this
year Ib a farce. For the
past month, the only com
ments I have heard about
our two candidates have
been negative. Many people
are no longer joking when
they say "vote no for sen
ator." I think it is time that
the students at this Univer
sity looked up from Stu
dent Senate, Bills of Rights
and the football team for
just a moment to think
about an issue which will
affect them for the next
six years. If we are dissat
isfied with the candidates
which both parties are sup
porting, It is time we showed
this dissatisfaction.
I don't think that either
Carl Curtis or Frank Mor
rison is the 'best man' for
the job of senator. In fact,
as far as I'm concerned, I
don't think either one is a
very 'good' candidate. One
need only listen to what
they say about each other
to perceive that neither is
the right man for our Sen
ator. If half of what they say
about each oLer is true, I
. . . (In-No-Sense) f
wonder how they ever got
elected in the first place.
Also, if they spent as much
time on the duties of their
offices as they do lambast
ing each other, they would
have accomplished more In
the last two months than
they have in the last t w o
years.
Nevertheless, I agree
with John Schreklnger that
Tom Rchorn is also not the
man to choose. Although I
agree with most of Mr. Re
horn's stands, be has given
such a small view that I
feel unsure as to where he
would stand on many is
sues such as foreign aid,
federal aid to education,
etc. In addition, I think he
lacks the practical exper
ience in politics which one
needs in order to be an ef
fective congressman.
I do not, however, agree
with Schrecklnger that Mor
rison Is the man for the
job. Schrekinger says 'Cur
tis has had 28 years in Con
gress with few constructive
proposals.' Well, who wants
another six years with Mor
rison? Rarely has Morrison
taken what I would consider
a constructive stand on any
thing. He never took a def
inite stand on the various
tax proposals although he
knew our tax system needed
to be revised. Lately, he has
not said anything for or
against the University budg
et. For these reasons, I
think that Phillip Sorenson
would be our best choice
for Senator. He is youthful,
vigorous, forward-looking
but with the common sense
and judgment to make sen
sible decisions. He is in fa
vor of an increase in t h e
University Budget to meet
the educational needs of the
state. He also recognizes
the need for a new and
broader tax base to support
education in the state.
A vote for Sorensen for
senator could do three
things. A majority over
Morrison would establish
Sorensen as the head of the
Democratic Party In Ne
braska. We need more
youthful leadership In Ne
raska. A minority vota
(even If he won) for Curtis
might make him step back
and review his record and
perhaps think more of what
the people of the it at
want. Lastly, but most im
portant, you might Just
elect a tremendously qual
ified man tt senator for
Nebraska.
