111
Page 2
KU AND ELSEWHERE:
Clause Trouble
The Sigma Nu fraternity, the only KU Greek house with
a written racial discriminatory clause, is faced with a
dilemma simlar to that of the frying pan and the fire.
The Civil Rights Council (CRC) has promised to picket
the Sigma Nu's during rush next fall if the clause is not
truck down j and the Sigma Nu's have little chance of
getting their predominantly Southern national organization
to repeal the "white" clause.
The affair began last Wednesday when the CRC pe
titioned the Inter-Fraternity Council (IFC) to withdraw
recognition from any Greek house which still has the clause
in their constitution next August In other words, the CRC
was asking that Sigma No not be allowed to participate in
fraternity rash.
The IFC refused to accept the CRC recommendation.
In answering the CRC petition, the IFC referred to chapter
seven of last spring's ASC bill which says that force should
not be used to eliminate discriminatory clauses at KU.
The CRC decided that Its only recourse was to picket.
If the CRC goes through on its promise, the Sigma Nu
rush program wQl probably suffer because of the unfavor
able publicity which the picket would reflect on the frat
ernity. The KU Sigma Nu chapter worked to repeal the. clause .
at their national convention two years ago, but failed. There
is another convention this summer, but according to the
Sigma Nu president there is little chance that the clause
will be repealed. The number of southern chapters far out
weighs the number of northern chapters. In addition, the
alumni of each chapter in the Sigma Nu organization have
one vote for every two votes cast by each local chapter.
If the Sigma Nu acts independently of their national
organization to kill the white clause they would probably
lose their charter.
What it adds up to is the fact that Sigma Nu is trapped
between an Inflexible national organization and the Incres
ingly militancy of people opposed to racial segregation in
fraternities and sororities.
The Sigma Nu's situation is regrettable, and I write -about
it only because it is a tangible symptom on the KU
campus of a national situation.
Although most of the national organizations have agreed
to strike the discriminatory clause, they are in fact
choking in other ways the attempts made by Greeks them
selves to end segregation. Certain KU Greek chapters have
learned uus all too well in recent weeks.
Tom Coffmao,
EDITOR'S NOTE: This situation, ol course, affects
every chapter of every fraternity that has inch a clause.
The problem southern chapters face is their fear of losing
a prospective pledge if word gets to their campuses of a
northern chapter violating constitutional clauses. The pos
sibility still exists, however, of such clauses being stricken
if each chapter actively strives for that goaL If they choose
t to, it should be remembered that it is fctfU their right
to so choose.
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Monday, February 24, 1964
University Daily Kansas "
THEA Ml, OLD
fRC Sf VARED-
Communists Seek Foothold;
'Africanization' May Help
The oscillograph of Amer
ican hopes and fears regis
ters wide - fluctuations in
any given period, on any
given matter.
The needle has been quiv
ering back and forth on the
matter of communism in
black Africa. It seems only
yesterday that we were tak
ing the smuggest selfcon
gratulatory satisfaction ov
er the fiasco of Russian
penetration attempts in the
Congo and in Guinea. To
day, with the barnstorming
of Chou en Lai, the coup by
a Communist-oriented polit
ical crew in Zanzibar and
the new wave of ruthless,
"anti-imperialist" idiocies
by Nkrumah in Ghana, a
sudden apprehension
spreads that black Africa in
general is about to collapse
into Communist control.
This is hardly the immi
nent prospect. What the
Communists, more particu
larly the Chinese Commu
nists, are immediately seek
ing is a solid foothold in Af
rica from which to work.
There is no certainty yet
that even Zanzibar will fill
their bill. What can help
pave the way for comma
nizatlon in East Africa are
the current programs there
of "Africanization," the has
ty turning over to untrained
Africans of economic insti
tutions and the civil service,
threatening the same kind
of breakdown that occurred
in the Congo, where Bel
gians, of necessity, are now
returning.
But only the unteachable
will discount the long-range
determination of the Chi
nese if not the Russians.
Black Africa's historic and
almost exclusive foreign ties
have been with West Eu
rope. After WTorld War I,
Lenin thought that the com
munizing of Africa would
naturally follow the commu
nizing of Western Europe.
But West Europe regained
its balance; it did so again
following the Second World
War, to the chagrin of Sta
lin and his heirs. t
Now the Communists ap
ply their efforts to Africa
directly. Most of the formal
political ties with Europe
are severed, but they are
finding the cultural, economy.
4c and intellectual web that
connects Africa with Eu
rope stronger than they had
thought Their opportunities
lie in direct action more
than in persuasion, and for
the West the disturbing and
uniform phenomenon recentr
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ly observed in Zanzibar,
Tanganyika, Kenya and
Uganda is the extremely
small numbers of armed
dissidents it requires to ov
erturn or paralyze those
governments.
African students and oth
er movers and shakers con
tinue nevertheless, as if in
an intellectual trance, to
identify imperialism only
with the West Just as Latin
Americans continued far
too long to Identify it with
the United States. What
may be required for Afri
cans, as it was required for
Latin Americans, is the
pain of the Communist thorn
in their own flesh. It took
the death of young Cubans
in the Bay of Pigs, Castro's
formal proclamation of
communism and his assaults
on Venezuela to waken
thousands of influential peo
ple in Latin America.
It will be luck if such an
object lesson can be avoid
ed in Africa. Serious intel
lectual attack on commu
nism as a way of life is
only just beginning there.
Some of it is coming from
young African students who
have returned from Peking,
maddened, disillu
sioned and frightened by
what they experienced
there. This has included the
most blatant race prejudice,
with the repeated imprison
ment of Chinese girls who
became friendly with Afri
can boys. All . this is re
counted in rather chilling
detail by a Ghanaian medi
Con't. on Page 3
Jnsiqht &I$ewhef
cr
'And all the King's men . . .'
by kenneth tabor
While all the world was
busy with the problem of a
Communist foothold , in As
. ia, no one seenrcd to" see
the big step the Soviet was
taking toward the Mediter
ranean. Despite the numerical
supremacy of the Greeks
on the island the fight be
tween them and the Turk
ish Cypriots continues, and
' all hope of an internal so
lution, has been abandoned.
This leaves several possible
solutions open.
Before the fighting broke
into its fury, there were
over 100 Cypriot villages In
which both Turks and
Greeks lived. After weeks
of battle only twenty or so
of these remain. In most of
these remaining towns the
' situation is similar to that
in Nicosia, where the citv
is divided and along the di
viding line stands an over
kill capacity proportionally
as great as that of the nu
clear powers.
Somewhere in the midst
of all this is Cyprus' leader
Makarios. Whatever solution
is offered must first find
the approval of this Eccle
siastic. And as we have
found out to our chagrin,
this approval is now a rare
quantity.
One such proposal was
taken to Makarios by Amer
ica's George Ball. Even as
he ventured toward Cyprus
his suggestion seemed fated
to a slow death. True to
international expectations
the plan was not resurrect
ed at the end of his three
day peace talk with the
Arch-bishop.
The plan he offered had
been long in the wind. Ball
suggested that a force of
16.000 men take over the Is
land and restore order. It
would be made up of con
tingents from NATO coun
tries since both Turkey and
Greece are members of that
alliance. Knowing that Ma
karios' great fear was that
Cyprus would end sp par
titioned. Ball pointed to the
history of action taken by
the L whose forces bad
been (he content of a coun
ter proposal.
He argued strongly that
the UN very seldom re
stored previous conditions;
that rather they dealt with
the situation as it was when
they came upon the scene;
and that this often meant
partitioning. Makarios re
jected the proposal.
At the beginning of the
conflict it was the Kremlin's
idea that the problem was
one which should be solved
by the Cypriote themselves
and that the imperialist
Western powers should keep
their hand3 off. However,
when the NATO suggestion
seemed doomed to failure.
Russia suggested that the
peace force should be a part
of the United Nations.
The result is that t n e
whole question will be tak
en up In the United Nations.
This In ftelf will atisfv
Makarios. Whether the fi
nal action of the IN salj-
Dear Editor:
I would like to defend my
self. First, concerning the
word 'claque,' I will accept
your definition, but contest
your contention that 'ap
plaud' is not necessarily
complimentary. It has al
ways been complimentary
to me, and my dictionary
(also Webster's; in this
case, the COLLEGIATE)
agrees with me. Concerning
the matter of complete sen
tences, I never maintained
that one should write only
sentences; in fact, my let
ter to you has a non
sentence itself. But I do
maintain that a group of
words should have a mean
ing. Explain to me, if you will,
what the meaning of this is:
"Indeed, the next wave of
anti-Americans called 'stu
dent', though they do preci
ous little studying, in sever
al southern capitals that are
now quiescent." Just what
does that mean? It is abso
lutely true that criticism of
style is a trivial matter. But
if you have no preference
for philosophies, what is left
to determine your selection
of columnists but style? And
again I say, there is abso
lutely no comparison in
style between the writing of
Ryskind and that of Sevar
eid. Sevareid should stick to
oral presentation.
"What right has a student
fies him will remain to be
seen.
; As the move seemed to
"Be toward theTJN anyway,
American and British
spokesman urged this ac
tion rather than to appear
defeated for the moment.
Neither government is very
pleased, however, that
events took this course.
Despite the former Rus
sian proposal, the Soviets
might use their veto power
in the Security Council to
prevent any peace force to
ease tensions and, thus,
leave Cyprus a trouble spot
in need of further atten
tion by the West.
It is even more likely that
they will use this' veto as a
lever to get the United
States and Britain to accept
Communist troop member
ship in the ranks of the
force.
According to Western ob
servers this in itself would
give the Communists their
long'-desired foothold in the
Mediterranean.
Whatever decision is
made either Greece or Tur
key will be disatisfied, and
this will undoubtedly lead
to trouble in the future. If
the United States allows a
force with contingents from
the Soviet block, it will be
aiding the Soviet goal. If,
on the other hand, the U.S.
or Britain should veto such
a force, it would merely ne
Con't. on Page 3
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dTonage ueienua rmuw"
to criticize an established
man?" This, your question
in yesterday's editorial, re
flects lack of serious
thought. If I can't criticize,
who can? If Sevareid is to
be the final judge of who
can criticize him, no one
will be able to. And without
criticism from lesser beings,
where would progress
(which you so strongly es
pouse) be? We would still be
stuck with the traditions of
ancient Rome. Note there
that conservatives are not
necessarily opposed to prog
ress. Kindly explain to me the
correct right-wing interpre
tation of yesterday's LBJ
cartoon. I can't see it, some
how. On another question, you
have the right not to print
Mr. Hall's letter. But from
that paragraph I notice you
use the term Perogative.
Funny.. My dictionary
" spells it 'prerogative.' I pre
dict there will be a job open
for a typesetter soon.
Another thing I would like
to ask about Why did Paul
Douglas get such big head
lines, a bigger picture, and
almost twice as much space
as did Mr. Hruska? In my
humble opinion, Mr. Hruska
had more to say.
Again, you say you are
neither liberal nor conserva
tive. About all the real evi
dence you offer is that you
print a conservative colum
ist or two. Unfortunately,
the liberal editorials out
number, Jhe conservatives
about six to one. Equal time,
anyone? .
I realize your editorial
staff is overworked, so you
don't need to spend a lot of
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CALL: AFTEX 5 PJN.
GAm ZAGER 434-6995
ERVIN GREENWALO 432-3545
i
time replying to this. Reply
through your future actions.
If you are truely unbiased,
I am quite willing to agree
with you that you are "more
effective that way."
Stone-Age Statesman
EDITOR'S NOTE: A typo
graphical error resulted in
the 'sentence' quoted from
Sevareid's column. The edi
tor determines who will be
a columnist for the DAILY
NEBRASKAN not only by
what the person has to say
and his style, but his rec".
ord and qualifications.
Philosophy perference, in
the case of choosing Seva
reid, played no part.
The editor did not ques
tion anybody's right to crit
icize. The statement was, in
effect it seems strange that
a person who hadr't fin
ished his schooling yet
would attempt to criticize
Mr. Sevareid. The state
ment received considerable
thought because the editor
was not questioning your
right to criticize, but your
qualifications to criticize.
Kindly explain the correct
Left-Wing interpretation of
Mauldin's LBJ cartoon.
This is the eighth edition
of this semester's DAILY
NEBRASKAN. One editor
ial was a staff editorial and
one w as a guest editorial
The editor has written only
six. None was a "liberal"
editorial, just the editor's
opinion of certain events.
The subject determines the
nature of the editorial.
Douglas received more
coverage for one simple rea
son; he stirred more interest
on campus and thus made
more news.
4a ; ex S
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