PRESIDENTIAL
POSSIBILITIES
(Continued from Pace 1)
CHARLES G. DAWES
famous nap, or perhaps even because
of it; he is also a soldier, a banker,
a one-time Comptroller of the Cur
rency, a friend of Mark llanna, an
expert rifleman, and an author of
books.
Dawes went to Marietta College,
and then to Cincinnati Law School,
from which he was graduated at the
age of twenty-one. He worked his
way through college by serving as
chief engineer for a small Ohio rail
road. Diwei Came to Lincoln
In 1887, when he was twenty-two
Dawes went to Lincoln, Nebraska, to
practice law. That is an interesting
fact, because Lincoln was the home
of William Jennings Bryan and John
J. Pershing. Dawes knew them both.
All three used to eat at Don Cam
eron's lunch counter.
Dawes moved from Nebraska to
Wisconsin, took up his residence in
the citv of La Crosse and became '
president of the La Crosse Gas Light
Company. He stayed for a year or
so; then moved to Evanston, Illinois,
and another gaslight presidency.
Dawes at this time-had reached the
age of thirty rather young for a
gaslight presidency, but rather old
for a first dip in politics. He took that
dip the following year when Bryan,
4 his senior by five year3, burst sudi
denly upon the Democratic conven
tion of 1896 with his free silver and
THE DAILY NEBRASKAN
his cross of cold. nn1 U'na nnmi'nnfnJ
ior the Presidency.
Dawes sppnt that year doing his
best to defeat Bryan by stumping
his home State. Having been succes
sively an engnieer, a lawyer, and a
public-utility president, but never
having been a bank
" WMTV.Q I1VT
chose to become a banker, and in.
formed McKinlev that h wnM i:v
to be appointed fiomnh-niii. v,
Currency. McKinley agreed. A Sen-,
ate which was to
v a. VJ. j t tt o
tnree decades later approved his nom
range on the keyboard.
AL SMITH
entire legislative session of 1925
fighting for a twenty-five Der cent
reduction. He won it from a Repub
lican majority which opposed it for
no very clear reason exceDt that
Smith was for it. No further reduc
tion ha3 b"?n possible since 1925.
2. Water power. Smith would break
sharply with Mr. Coolidge, f.he Ke-
puoiican party, any conceivable nom
inee flf thf T?Onillion nn..f.r J
. uiUTCU U1S IlUm- ..vmw.vmu J'til. I. J t HliU j
ination. Dawes came to Washington hree fourths 0f his own docile party
as Cntnnf rnllo. f i -i in Pninrmce . I, : : 1 1 . .l
r"v'4 ui nic currency in I w mia issue, wui-er
that he knows his business. And if
this sounds quixotic, consider the
fact that Smith's present cabinet, as
Governor of New York on his homo
ground, in his fourth term, when and
where he could give Tammanv every
thing it asked, if he so chose does
actually include no less than six Re
publicans at this moment, in a total
of fourteen members. Tammany,
with Smith as President, could have
all it wanted in the line of local pat
ronage just as it could have all it
wanted, locally, from any other
1897, at the age of thirty-two.
Ran for Senator
This post' interested him and held
his attention for four vears. Hp re
signed in 1901, after acquiring fame
power is one of Smith's major inter
ests and major issues. As s'ely as
anything -n be predicted .if him as
President, he would demvnd covern-
ment operation of the power plants
Democratic President. But Smith's iportunity,
rv.: 4. 1,1 1 I.- t
nominated for the Presidency, Don
ahey stepped into Cox's shoes as
Democratic candidate for governor.
Apparently few of the Democratic
bosses in Ohio politics really wanted
him. But he had been in office for
eight years, he had acquired a repu
tation with that very considerable
portion of the electorate which likes
to see a dollar saved, nnd. as usually
happens in eight years of politics, he
had managed to build up a very re
spectable organization of his own.
This was enough to give him his op-
U Ul V I - 7 wu
as one of McKinley 's few close ,at Muscle Shoals and, if they are
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ttiin. Don't Forest :30 a. m.
friends and member of his enr-h
parties, and announced his candidacy
ior me senate.
Happily or unhaDDilv fnr tho Ml
of mind of the Senate, he did not
win. He did not receive the nomina
tion. But what the Senate lost, the
bankers gained. Dawes returned to
Chicago in 1902, organized the Cen
tral Union Trust Company of Illin
ois, nnd was elected its first presi
dent. He had now reached the age
of thirty-seven.
His bank has rjrosDererl oronfiw
He has won a reputation as a success
ful financier. The war brought him
j an opportunity for new honors when
ne rejoined Pershing, this time in
circumstances very different from
those surroundine Don Cam
lunch counter in Lincoln, and became
chief purchasing agent of the Amer
ican Army in France. After the war
came his appointment by Harding as
director of the Budget and the fre
quent duels with Contrress whirl,
fixed the nation's eye, perhaps for
ine hrst time in some years, upon
its national finances.
Went to Europe
This was 1921. In 1923 came
Dawes' return to Europe with a com
mittee of American bankers, the
ui,uig vi ine uawes nan, and a
new lease on fame. The general im
pression is that Dawes did not write
this plan, that he may have had very
little to do with the creation of it
formulas, but that the driving power
oi ms personality helped materially
in putting it through.
In 1924 came the Vice President
and a new fight with Congress. This
time the driving force of the Dawes
personality was turned loose on
Kule 22.
It is a very fierv Dawes, vore
enthusiastic Dawes, and a vpnr hal
ter-skelter Dawes whom the modern
publicity machine has created for an
admiring public
built, at Boulder Dam
3. National defense. For all Prea
idents the Army is a fairly static
institution. There is nothing in
Smith's record to indicate wha he
thinks about the Navy.
4. The tariff. Smith is a Democrat;
but in these days of scrambled poli
tics it does not follow that a Demo
crat especially a Democrat from an
industrial State is necessarily a free
trader. How far Smith would no in
the matter of tariff reduction is an
open question
5. Industrial relations. Smith has
made a large part of his reputation
on his championship of such meas
ures as minimum-wage laws, work
men's compensation, maternitv insur
ance, and the eight-hour day.
Smith and Prohibition
6. Prohibition. It is the theory of
the New York Times, which is strong
for Smith, that if he were elected
'he would enforce the Volstead Act
more effectively than the present ad
ministration apparently on the
theory that, as an honest man, he
would lean over backward to enforce
what he docs not believe in. On the
other hand, it is the theory of the
Ku Klux Klan that Smith would ODen
a bar at every corner. Possibly a
more realistic theory than either of
these predictions is that the Volstead
Act, for Congress, has ceased to be
a cause and has now become a rou
tine, with an annual aDDroDriation
bill which never varies, and a game
of political appointments played by
Congress, the President being more
or less a mere bystander.
In addition, there is the nupsfinn
of Presidential appointments to the
Supreme Court. In the historv of this
country more than one contentious
law has been thoroughly reinterpre
ted by a new court which has chang
ed in membership. Should Smith, by
any chance, have the opportunity to
appoint five members of the Supreme
o M I - ...-w-.a wwe. WA. kllW UUICUIC
Yet when this fa eoiA oJ IConrt thf. Anti-Sal
vMiUf auu wiuuu UC numu
when due credit has been paid to nave good cause for worry.
Dawes as a fire eater, it i nlnin that 7. Farm UoiUt;nn Smith t,-
, j-... wi.u v i m iioo 1T
tne yiole story is not told nor the en no indication of his stand. Farm
r11 -V . , . . I i- .
iuu measure oi me man revealed. reuel is a prooiem witn which he
for JJawes is by no means merelv thp has had little personal
swashbucking rough - and - tumble He is not at home in the Corn Belt.
ngnter Which his own somewhat bel-l 8. Reorganization of the Govern
lieerant career nhw tha oftnr. Intent. This in Smilh's
...v ui i ...ii.i. 0 uuc oupicnjr
the cartoonists would lead his public and abiding interest. Smith has suc-
to otueve. creaea. as sineie-nanded as an? man
Anv man vhn ran nntn'nA f.stl. I ever flrhipvAa i-ootilf a l rtAli'ria. r
sf a.a,. WWlll ivuisiko 1LI V 11 1.119 s III
the Corn Belt and the bankersthat taking the topsy-turvy Government
llA fa O TftA tman 4- r Via fwiifltnJ snrrSd-L tf Vfinlr . A aA.H.I.:
-aw aw M ewu iiihu c viuaicu wim vft auu icuiaaviii one nun-
their contradictorv anH ronflirtino in.ldred and Rirt v tniallananne v.An..a.
I -r w'vviiHuvvua vuicauo
into twenty-one permanent depart-
a. nt. 1
tonsiucrauie versauuiy ana a wide menis. ine Dusiness or reorganizing
IKuvemmenis nas so passionate an in
terest for him that it has tempted
him into one of his few direct sallies
into a discussion of national affairs.
9. Finally, we come to the ouestion
of foreign policy. Here it is known
(a) that on one occasion Smith nor.
suaded the Democratic State conven
tion in New York to adopt a World
Court plank, thoueh this was mme
years back, and (b) that in his reply
to the Marshall letter he said, re
garding Mexico, "I recognize the
right of no church to ask armed in
tervention by this country In the af-
fairs of another country, merely for
the defense of the rights of
church."
This is definite. But it is not much
out of which to build a picture of a
foreign policy.
The Ku-Klux Klan is sure that
Smith's foreign policy would be to
deliver the United States into the
hands of Rome. There are other ob
servers who cite Smith's refusal to
be swept off his feet in the post-war
Bolshevist hysteria as proof that if
he were elected President he would
show foresight, liberality, and cool-
headedness in his foreign policy. It
is a quite possible third alternative
that Smith would not be very much
interested in his foreien Dolicv. that
he would leave this department of
the Government largely in the hands
of his advisers. For it is apparently
true, on the basis of Smith's record
that he is chiefly interested in those
things with which he has had first
hand contact. And as the old adage
runs in the New York newspaper of
fices, China is a long way from the
Bowery.
Smith Picks Good Men
Smith hag a way of pickincr men
who know their Jobs. It is ouite dob-
- a - I
sible that his Cabinet would include
one Republican choen or. the theory
Cabinet would be his own
What would also be his own would
be his diction and his manners. Ain't
would still be ain't, and seven Am
bassadors from Great Britain would
not change it. Et would still be et,
for dinner. Smith would be the first
representative of the new immigra
tion and the big-city streets to take
the oath as President.
A man of experience, wit, city
manners and sophistication, who typi
fies the challenge of a restless urban
civilization to tho long-continued
domination of a thousand Main
Streets: this is the man who now
bids for the nomination of a partv
whose strength, ironically enough,
lies chiefly in the old aristocracy of
the Solid South.
The answer to Smith, in the Demo
cratic party, is a coalition which has
not yet found its leader.
VIC DONAHEY
printing and Ohio that leads to poli
tics. Harding and Cox were both
printers first, then governors, then
candidates for President.
Donahey made his first successful
bid for recognition at a constitution
al convention in Ohio. He had been
prominent enough to be rewarded by
his party with a nomination for
State auditor. This was 1912. And
thanks to Wilson's can-vine1 Ohio in
the great schism of that year, Don
ahey was elected to his first State
office.
Donahey proceeded to transform a
minor post into a series of eood news
stories. His fame in Ohio dates from
1912 and is due primarily to the fact
that as auditor he audited. Stories
of items rudely lopped from a start
led budget began to make their ap
pearance in the Ohio papers. Nobody
dislikes economy in public office. And
on the strength of a few noisy tus
sles with the politicians during his
first term, Donahey was reelected to
his office in 1914 though Cox fell
by the wayside, losing to Frank B.
Willis. He was reelected for a second
time in 1916, when Cox came back
as governor. He was reelected for a
third time in 1918.
Two years later, when Cox was
He could not make the most of it
on his first try; for this was the year
of the Hardii.g landslide. Donahey
went down with Cox, though he ran
140,000 votes ahead of him in Ohio.
He came back for his second try in
1922, and won.
Ohio Goes Donahey
Since then no one has been able
to shake him from his office. What
ever happens to Ohio in a national
election, locally the State goes Don
ahey. In the year that Coolidgo car
ried Ohio for the Republicans by
698,000 votes, Donahey carried it
for the Democrats by 176,000. To
run three quarters of a million votes
ahead of a national ticket in Ohio,
as Donahey did, is a considerable
achievement.
Donahey has never set his State
on fire. He has never sent the imagin
ation of his constituency soarinir to
new bounds. But enough people to
elect him governor of Ohio three
times running apparently reeard him
as a reasonably enlightened, econom
ical public servant who sizes up most
things in an unpretentious, homespun
manner.
Donahey Is Available
So runs the story of the nrintew
from Cadwallader township who be
came a governor, and, thanks to a
situation which may possibly develop
in the next Democratic convention,
a candidate for higher honors still.
For Donahey is "available." And it
is interesting to note, in this case,
what availability means.
Donahey, in short, is available for
his party's nomination neither be
cause his attitude toward national is
sues is definite and clearly under
stood, nor because he is the possessor
of a distinguished and exceptional
record. He is available for a variety
of more practical reasons.
He comes from Ohio, and Ohio is
a pivotal State. He has carried that
State three times: a feat which, in
the American system of politics, is
considered more important than a
complete set of up-to-date views on
everything from alien property to
farm relief, and from Muscle Shoals
to the Philippines.
He has no national reputation, but
neither is he prominently identified
with either horn of a national dilem
ma, such as prohibition. He is a drv.
e
but he is not so famous a dry that
he will stir up a row in the national
convention.
Is Neutral Candidate
He i3 a thoroughly neutral candi
date with wholly local experience
whose strength lies in the geography
of his position plus the fact that if
he has won no national following he
has at least hurt nobodv's feelinirs
during his political career.
That this should make him an
available candidate for the Presi
dency of the United States is less a
measure of the man himself than a
comment on the American system of
self-government.
Donahey will go to the Democratic
convention as a dark horse whose
friends will hope that they can push
him to the front if enough of the
party still stands pat to block the
first hard drive of Smith.
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extent of the disease included only
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