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WHITMAN'S GLASSY CANDY
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2 for
Belgian and prefer annihilation to
either; but if military domination of
some sort was presented as the sole
means of government, the Irishman
-who chose the cooseberry tree on
which to he hanged would un'queation
ably select Slavic military rule for the
same: reason. When did the Slav ever
evince either capacity or ambition to
'dominate' another white race?" Did
not little Japan unaided, unless Indeed
as Mr. Burgess says, she was aided by
English diplomacy, topple over the
Russian giant to the disappointment
of military Europe, especially Ger
many? Throughout central Europe
where .German and Slav are in con
tact, who does, or has done for cen
turies, the 'dominating?'
It is true that the Balkan war which
wrought such disappointment in Ger
man bureaucrats with regard to their
'dominant Turks, showed that not even
the Germany of 50 years ago had
learned any better than the Balkan
states the art of bringing 'a people
under arms' as Bismarck boasted. The
Russian government just then reorgan
izing its forces took notice also. The
result has been that the German gov
ernment which, after the Japanese
war, was prepared to furnish an army
to uphold imperial authority in Rus
sia, if needed, took alarm at the grow
ing size and efficiency of the Russian
army and decided that the contest, If
coming, would better come at once. Tf
threats were not good, use the saber
forthwith. Fear of the Slav seems to
have caused the war, but it was no
fear on the German's part of being
assaulted by him either in the father
land or anywhere else.
"The men whose heads were full of
that mighty attack on France that
was to go, and did go, through poor
Belgium, were no more afraid of harm
coming to them at home than was
Genghis Khan in his Asiatic fastnesses
when he started to conquer the earth.
Afraid, when they cynically brushed
aside the mightiest bulwark of their
western frontier, the neutrality of Bel
gium In the face of British protest and
before a scarcely believing world! The
only thing they feared was that the
Slav, if left longer In peace, would
cease to be a good subject for exploi
tation. To prove to all the world their
sincerity in the belief that nothing
ccfhld withstand their fighting machine,
that to subdue everything within its
reach they had only to let it loose,
they aimed their first battery at that
friendly land whose neutrality, sanc
tioned by the unbroken respect of
three- full generations of Europe's fight
ing men as well as statesmen, their
solemn treaties bound them to regard.
They did it because they were afraid,
yes, afraid that the opportunity of suc
cessful aggression might slip away
with the Slavic nations' growing
strength. If there had been any real
fear of attack in their souls, the
shields of Belgium's neutrality would
have been the last thing they would
have had taken from their own fron
tier. It is Idle for Mr. Burgess, or any
other apologist for this war, in the
face of these facts, to attempt to
Justify the treatment of Belgium by"
fear of the Slavs, at least, fear of
them on any ground that an honest
man or humaje people ought to enter
tain. If their German rulers are really
getting afraid of them, It would seem
a sure Indication that humanity in the
persons of the Slavic races is now
making a long step upward In Its
weary climb from barbarism. The
czar's letters and hi offers of auton
omy to the Poles seem to Indicate a
perception on the part of the Roman
offa that their government In order to
represent and combine the branches of
the Slavic race must liberalize Itself.
Some centuries ago a French aristo
crat said that an English king who
would be a real leader of the English
people might easily be the most Im
portant person of Europe. It may
easily be that a czar who should Jje a
real czar of the Slavic peoples would
1e a genuine terror to German bureau
crats of southeastern Europe, His arts-
ing should cause no alarm to anybody
else.
"The Charges of Barbarity.
'Us to the charges and counter
charges of barbarity, it is to be said
that since the entire war in Belgium
is In Itself an unprovoked and hideous
outrage, it is probable that thcro is a
tendency to judge the invaders severe
ly. Then, too, in a country where no
war has been known for 75 years, the
populace is liable not to be instructed
in the doctrine, called by Sir Frederick
Pollock 'a monstrous' one ('History of
the Science of Politics, page 751) that
a -civilian may not defend his own
home' or property against an invader
except under liability, in case of cap
ture, to be shot as an 'irregular.' The
Germans, if we may believe their own
stories, stretched this doctrine to the
limit in 1870. They seem, in Belgium,
to have gone far beyond what is per
mitted by the Hague declaration to
which their government was a party.
Doubtless, in the future Belgium will
have learned the lesson, so well known
to the European nations liable to in
vasion, to keep all the male citizens
enrolled to furnish a basis for popular
war if it must be resorted to.
"Meanwhile the motive for ostenta
tious cruelty and destruction on the
part of the Germans is very plain. If
they can sufficiently terrorize the
civilian population In Belgium, with
Its constitutional government and
popular elections they might start lr
resistable pressure for peace If they
can also continue to push back the
armies in the field. The bombs at
Antwerp would seem to have this for
an object. If aerial vessels were sent
at night to throw bombs at the royal
residence in Antwerp, it would seem
to be a rather aggravated form of at
tempted assassination.
"I entirely agree with Mr. Burgess
that it is useless to prophecy results,
certainly for us who' are so far away
and uninformed. If I thought for a
moment that Germany's fear of immi
nent successful assault at home led
to this violation of Belgium's neutral
ity as the first step in a war com
menced by Germany Itself on a day's
notice, I should think, indeed, that the
kaiser should be calling upon that God
whose name seems ever upon his lips.
If France and Russia had already re
duced him to such an expedient, what
could he do with Belgium's seven and
a half millions added to the number
of his foes and with the whole British
empire behind them.
"It was, however, as shown, nothing
of the kind. It was the 'attack of an
aggressive outlaw regarding himself.
If as above all human rules, confident
in his strength that he could not be
called to account, and reskless alike
of his solemn engagements and of his
obligations of humanity to an unof
fending people. How far it was his
own act, and how far the determina
tion of his military following, Is idle
to speculate. In their correspond
ence the czar shows sensitiveness to
public opinion. The kaiser shows none.
"It ould-seem that unless the Euro
pean world is prepared to accept from
the kaiser a pax Germana, as It once
did from the crime-stained Caesars a
pax Romana, the kaiser must eventual
ly fail, notwithstanding his armament
that makes Xerxes's invading millions,
or any other recorded organization for
offensive warfare, appear harmless by
comparison.
"In Aite same way that Mr. Burgess
hasjiWtegrelations with imperial
European' officials, which incline him
in their favor, I might state the inci
dents which have made me sympathize
with the Slavic peoples, and not by
any means with Prussian or Austrian
bureaucracy or with the replica of it,
which has so long governed Russia.
It would be of small interest and, In
any event, wholly beside the questions
which are simply,. Was the kaiser
Justified in declaring war on Russia
and France, and in commencing It by
attacking Belgium?
"W. G. HASTINGS,
"Dean of the college of law, university !
of Nebraska."
BLLaM
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