J- - . . 10 Conservative * who wrote rooiprocity in the plat form , preached it on the stump , and thcu killed it in the Senate , well know what they wore about. The ultra-protectionists now have possession of every branch of the government : they are inside the breastworks , and they are determined to hold the fort. Let the fate of the Kasson treaties show how futile it is to approach them with doffed cap and bending knee , humbly craving the least concession of reciprocity. Let the petition for reciprocity with Can ada signed by ton thousand of the loading manufacturers and merchants of New England and recently pre sented to the Senate , there received with the rebuke of our senior senator and consigned to that tomb of peti tions , a senatorial committee , answer still more loudly. Is it not high time to drop this timid , apologetic prayer for protection-reciprocity , and to make a manly demand to the ultimate tribunal , public opinion ? But the man that seeks reciprocity must abandon protection. But real reciprocity is not ended by any means. The industrial condi tion of the country makes that im possible. Stimulated by the promises of protection , but still more by the energy and brains "of our people and our unrivalled natural resources , our manufactures have greatly out grown the domestic needs , have glutted the homo market , in nine months , probably much less , they supply the country for the entire year , and business stagnation and failures must follow unless the sur plus prqducts can bo marketed abroad. Under the pressure of this situation our exports of manufactured goods have grown four-fold in ton years , and the conviction of the absolute necessity of gaining the world's markets is forced upon our manufacturers and merchants. Hence their growing anxiety to se cure these markets , hence their fear of hostile tariffs , hence their eager ness for reciprocity , especially for protection-reciprocity. In truth , the industrial conditions in the United States today are alto gether abnormal. By high protection wo arc keeping prices above their normal level. By shutting out for eign competition wo are aiding the trusts to raise the prices of many things still higher. By tariff taxes upon crude materials , wool , hides , iron , stool , load , lumber , fibres , ores , coal , chemicals , otc. , wo are discrim inating against our own manufactures in favor of their foreign rivals. Yet wo must gain foreign markets for our surplus products to prevent ruinous overproduction and business de pression. Now there are two ways out of this . n unnatural and solf-confliotiug state , reciprocity and protection-reciproc ity. The ouo is to repeal all restric tive laws , lot prices fall to their normal level , and trade take its natural channels. This course we are now well prepared and able to take. Our exports prove that the country has outgrown protection , and no longer needs its support , granting that it over needed it. It would re move great burdens from the people and from the factories , and would not cost the nation at largo a dollar ; but tariff-trust prices would fall , some ill-gotten gains would disappear , and sheaves of stock would reach the waste basket. This is free trade. This is reciprocity , if you prefer that word. The other way is protection-reci procity. We have already entered upon it , and the trusts and protec tionists are determined to make us follow it to the bitter cud. It con sists in maintaining high prices at home to fill their pockets , and selling the surplus at low prices abroad , which are to be augmented and eked out by rebates , bounties , and subsi dies out of the national treasury. How far wo have progressed on this road to ruin is hard to measure , but that we have made considerable progress - gross is but too clear. Every intelligent man knows in deed , it has become common knowledge - lodge that , under the beneficent rule of protection and trusts , a whole host of our products are being ex ported and sold abroad at prices far loss than those exacted at home. We are the greatest producers of copper , exporting 140,000,000 worth last year ; yet copper sold in London , at $80 a ton less than in Now York. Ameri can manufacturers have actually pur chased American copper in England , and paid freight on it back across the ocean at less cost than the price exacted by the copper trust at home. We are the greatest producers of iron and stool , yet American rails and ship plates are sold abroad to the foreign rivals of our railroads and ship-yards at loss prices than to our own shops and yards. President Charles M. Schwab , of the great stool trust , boasts to Joseph Law- roiico , the English Member of Par liament , that the trust could deliver steel billets in England for $16.50 a ton ; but ho charges his American customers $26. Ex-Governor and ox-Sonator Wash- burn of Minnesota , a lifelong Repub lican , one of the founders of the Re publican Party , and the leading manufacturer of flour in the United States , declared in a recent interview that "stool rails can be manufactured at about $16 a ton. Sold as they wore two years and a half ago at $17.60 a ton , , there was a profit of $1.50 a ton , which is more than the present profit on flour of 10 cents a barrel. Yet such rails are now being - ing sold at $28 a ton , making it easy to understand with such enormous profits how the steel mills are en abled to pay dividends on shares three-fourths of which are water. And yet with this condition of things wo now have a duty of $7.80 a tenon on steel rails. If this is not robbery , I should like to find some stronger word to characterize it. ' ' The bounty on exported leather , in the guise of a rebate on the imported hides of which it is made , enables the foreign manufacturer to purchase American leather 5 to 10 per cent , cheaper than our own manufacturers can buy it. Hon. William B. Rice , one of the leading shoe manufacturers of New England , says of this duty : " As a revenue duty , it is a failure ; for the rapidly increasing rebate , to gether with the costs of collection , will soon absorb the income , and the opportunities and temptations to fraud are numerous. It protects the foreign manufacturer against the American , and nobody else. It en courages the tanner of leather for expert - port to buy foreign hides whenever they can be bought for nearly the same price as the domestic , because ho can get his profit in the rebate. " This is simply a specimen of the subsidies in the form of rebates and the frauds sure to attend them. Now wo have the Secretary of Agriculture , provided with an appro priation , guaranteeing the exporters of fruit against loss on their ven tures , such losses to bo/ / paid by the government. He defends this re markable policy as a moans of start ing our export trade in this line ; but will not the beneficiaries of this form of subsidy claim the right to have it continued as Ipug as they need it , like all the other infant in dustries ? The ship subsidy , so long and oven now dominating the halls of Con gress , will form an indirect subsidy on exports if it cheapens freights , as its advocaters claim ; but if it fail to do so , and the whole of the govern ment bounty be absorbed by the ship owners , ship-yards , and stpel trusts , without any benefit to the people , as its opponents contend , then the demand will surely bo made for direct subsidies.on . exports. In deed , the farmers' granges of several States have already petitioned Con gress for subsidy on their exported products. The United States is the first great nation which ever signalized its rise to power by giving away a largo share of its tangible wealth to for eigners. Rome , Spain , Franco , Bri-