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About The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 19, 1901)
A .U-JII men in pursuing their common wel fare. Protectionism , as developed in the United States , is profoundly opposed to patriotism. It begets a temper for getful of the publio welfare , exacting in private claims and full of personal strife. This is its own inner disposi tion ; and , once established as a pub lie policy , it carries this disposition with it everywhere in all forms of civic action. . The little kernel of sound theory that may in the beginning have ' lain at the bottom of protection , was shortly lost sight of in a greedy strug gle between ever-increasing claimants to retain old and win new advantages. The common aims for which legisla tion was ordained wore more and more brushed aside , and every manbusily occupied with his own in terests , was taught to antagonize them to the interests of others in pub lic affairs. Our civic life became a game of hurly-burly , in which each man sought a place for himself. How natural was it that the steel combine , bred and built up on this pabulum of protection , should , in the recent strike , make no , vindication of policy , no appeal to the public , show none of that , " decent respect for the opinions of mankind" which our fore fathers-thought fitting , but should re ly simply on the hard fact of force to maintain and extend the power the publio had .conceded to it ! The tem per was , Let those workmen whine and propound and propitiate. We know our business and propose to pur sue it in our own way. We will not kick the less because .we have grown fat at the public crib. We will not resist combination the less * because the combination-.in-the . we are largest - - world. = ? _ * One of the surprises in the develop ment of our national life has been-the spirit of. private appropriation , as op posed to the public welfare , which has taken possession of us. We have set no limits to individual enterprise. If a franchise could be secured , no scruples have stood in the way. Legis lation which aimed at an equal di vision of , advantages , as in the re striated sale of public lands , has been baffled in every variety of method. Lands which were devoted to .public education became the prey of the land grabber. The policy of private thrift , which gained such a foothold in pro tection , has spread everywhere. Our railroads have been left in the hands of corporations for narrow and person al uses. Private property , has grown up . in our streets and highways , and the commercial opportunities which have been the fruit of. our common enterprise , have been .converted into personal possessions. The indirect evils of protection , have far exceeded its direct evils. A temper has been engendered which has respected no public claim , and spared no common privilege. If there has been war , wo have had shoddy clothing , embalmed beef , and a rush of the incompetent into promi nent positions. Wo have made of office another form of spoil. No in terest of peace or of war has been of too grave moment to be exploited by those nearest at hand. In protection we unleashed the eager pack of hounds that now rush sniffing and baying in all directions till not a cat nor a kitten can escape. The doctrine of the equal ity of rights simply furnishes the ob structions to be leaped in this hurdle race. This temper has already gone far to endanger the public safety. Our chief misrule is the corruption of our cities , and their corruption is primarily the product of the political contributions of corporations which buy the good will of political parties in absolute indifference to. the publio welfare. They remain idle spectators of the abuses of government , if .their own schemes are left to prosper. Is not the public welfare identical with the wealth of individuals ? This is the question we have put our selves , and we have answered it with the policy of protection , till we have difficulty in resisting a ship subsidy to redound to the benefit of such cor porations as the Standard Oil Comp any. Patriotism cannot thrive in the atmosphere we have provided for it. If we would restore and strengthen love of country , we must get back to the prosperity of the masses of men the. people and the nation as the true aim of government. ABOUT MONEY. Editor Conservative : In your issue of the 6th , I find few questions from W. Hardy , of Lincoln , Neb. You can sometimes answer a question by Basking one , , and on that proposition I will ask Mr. Hardy if this Cpugress or any mem ber of it , is asking for the issuing of gold bonds for the redemption of silver- dollars ? Also if any political party is , on record as asking for this kind of a bond issue ? Again , is our silver dollar lar unsound ; if so , will Mr. Hardly please inform a reader of TheConser- _ vative ? Again , Mr..Hardy does not agreewith himself ; for inone , state ment ho says : ' ' Silver dollars were worth more than gold dollars t in any part of the world , .but at the same time six hundred dollars would buy as much of the six great necessities of life one year with another. V But , he forgets to say that six hundred of one of those * dollars , under free , coinage of both , would buy. more than the pther. , If' onewas , worthmore , atthat time , un dor free coinage , what would keep them from the same or greater variations now , nder the same coinage ? What's the matter with our present silver dollar , the one that's in circulation ; five of them buy as much and pay as much debt as any five dollars in gold. When ho speaks of' stopping the coiur ing of silver or restricting the supply , I presume ho refers to the net of 1878. If ho will look up the records , it will be found that moro silver was coined in 1874 than any ten years previous - vious , and from the direct cause of ' ' the act of 1878 ; the supply of . silver , was greater than ever before , and the * very act complained of by the -silver 4 men was granted by request of the silver producing states through their representative in congressand for.the benefit of the silver mine owners. Separate the note system'from ouroth : . er circulations of would-be money and Mr. Hardy , as well as others , .may , if ; hey study carefully , find a cause for all this trouble in our finances .and ho very foundation for our panics especially those that affect the govern.- . ment. Respectfully yours , , . , A. M. GLOVER. " , ? Aurora , Neb. , Dec. 9 , 1901. .THE CHRISTMAS SPIRIT. The' Christmas spirit is about the best thing1 there is in all the year.- What else is "there that we do'that is so unselfish as this giving of gifts to celebrate " the returning sun ? -'Wo don't want to receive presents ; -we want to make' them. There is no child so small but expresses , involuu-1 tarily , ' along 'with his eager hopes fet what Santa Olaus may bring him , - an interest in 'what his ' little brother or sister , or the neighbors' children , ' may also receive ; and who so happy as4 the child that can give another a present ? Giving of gifts has a' perilously - ' ously fine edge sometimes ; do people ever make presents from a sense ' of duty or to 'putthemselves in 'the light of , a benefactor ? Never at Christmas time ; we give then to bestow pleas-s ure , not to bo thanked ; the greatest happiness , we all feel , would be1 to observe unseen -the' receipt of- our gifts and the joy it might call ' into some friend's or loved one's face. "I told " said never you , mamma , one blessedtenyearold , "the reason I always cry 'Christmas morning ? 'it's ' 7 ; because I get so .many 'more things than you do , ' UNSOLICITED. , / When the flare of Bryan's 'campaign had died out , the announcement of the publication of the Commoner seemqd to prophesy Bryan as a new force in influ- w eucing public opinion. The prophecy v has failed. Nevertheless a paperin Ne braska is a force in publio opinion , That paper is The Conservative. It is a bright , sensible and substantial paper , and deserves the success it is having in teaching W.'J. Bryan what real -'jour nalism is.rrEverett Republican. . >