II / ; n , "
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8 The Conservative *
MR. A. B. FARQUHAR'S ADDRESS.
[ Notable Deliverance before the Reciprocity
Convention at Washington , D. 0. ]
" The history of reciprocity treaties ,
so far as this country Is concerned ,
goes back to that concluded with
Great Britain for Canada , in 1855.
The history of successful applica
tion of the reciprocity idea by this
country is far older is , in fact , close
ly connected with the very origin of
our govcrnnmont. The impulse that
gave rise to our federal constitution ,
which has so magnificently redeemed
its promise of forming a closer union
and promoting the general welfare ,
first came from 'the incurable condi
tion of affairs under the old confeder
ation , in which all trade between the
growing states was cut down by the
power then possessed , and freely ex
orcised , of stopping it as it crossed
state boundaries. The duties levied
by New Jersey under the confederation
are recalled as having been peculiarly
vexatious ; not because she was an
offender above all othersfor the retal
iatory impulse led more than one com
monwealth astray in the mad endeavor
to outdo its neighbors ; but most vex
ations because the position of that
state , on the high-road from north to
south , and right in the way between
Philadelphia and Now York , gave her
an exceptional power to obstruct. In
its action on inter-state commerce , the
work of the constitution of 1787 was
a formal and enduring treaty of reci
procity ; for trade in one direction was
granted by each state in return for
trade in the opposite ; and the princi
ple was none the less manifest because -
cause reciprocity in that case was un
limited while the applications of the
idea to Canada in 1855 , to Hawaii and
Spanish American republics , and to
many countries in the treaties now
before the United States senate , are
carefully limited. We are justified in
adducing our splendid success with
unlimited reciprocity across state
boundaries , as indicating for us a prob
able similar success with limited reci
procity across national boundaries ,
for substantially the s < tme reasons in
both cases : Each servos the whole
country , and all participating coun
tries , by advancing and widening com-
merce.
1 > l ' ' The benefits of a wide commerce
frjf * are material , intellectual and moral-
* + material in satisfying outward wants
si by use of the over-production of our
industry ; intellectual , in teaching us
- - ' " the needs , the commercial customs and
the mechanical devices of other na
fr . * tions , and stimulaing us to meet rivalry
* *
alry abroad ; moral , in the broadening
and deepening of human sympathy
that unconsciously accompanies all
widening of the mental horizon.
These benefits nre so universally
recognized that our people will wel-
come overy""extonsiou of their commer
cial facilities , and will hold as ene
mies all who would interfere with
such extension.
' 'We can only secure an unobstructed
access for our manufactured goods to
the foreign countries most ready to
accept them by yielding an equivalent
on our own part , and the way to do
that , if our general scale of import
duties is not to bo modified , is by
special arrangements with the coun
tries into which wo are endeavoring
to introduce our goods.
1' That our import duties as they
stand invite retaliation from countries
with whose interests they conflict ,
every week's cable dispatches bring us
added testimony. Europe , frightened
by the inroads of American wares in
its markets , is considering ways and
means for shutting us out. Our man
ufactures are on the threshold of every
laud , but are mot with closed or clos
ing doors. Those doors can only be
opened by tariff concessions in return
for reciprocal concessions. Our la
mented president in his last and
greatest speech , clearly stated the case :
'Wo cannot longer expect to sell un
less wo buy. ' Our tariff is the high
est in the history of the world , and
to allay the general antagonism its
rates have aroused , wo must have
reciprocity treaties. Russia has re
cently proven how quickly a demand
for six or eight million dollars' worth
of American manufacturers could be
out off , while Germany is maturing a
schedule of duties expressly intended
to close her markets against the goods
now exported from this country.
Their new tariff , designed to replace
that now in force , is quite complica
ted , but clear enough in that it large
ly increases the duty on almost every
thing imported from us. For example ,
the advance is 600 per cent , on bi-
oyolos , 80 per cent on shoos , 100 per
cent on wagons , pumps , mowing ma
chines , etc. Some of their highest ad
vances are upon farm products. The
German' minister announces that this
schedule is not final , but that it is a
basis on 'which special treaties with
other countries may bo made ; so that
it teaches us what we may expect if
wo fail to make our treaty.
"Our manufactures are now practic
ally barred from France by a maxi
mum tariff , which we alone of all im
portant nations are forced to pay. But
over two years ago a treaty was nego
tiated with Franco under the direction
of president MoKinley , by which we
offered an average reduction of less
than seven per cent , on 126 items out
of 705 named in the Dingley tariff.
The French government conceded an
average reduction of 48 per cent on 685
items of the 654 items in their sched
ule , leaving but 19 unaffected. It
was estimated that this treaty would
have increased our exports to France
by twonty-flvo to thirty millions of
dollars. President McKinley told me
that ho looked upon it as a magnifi
cent bargain for our country , and that
he did not believe a single one of our
industries would bo appreciably in
jured ; and yet the senate has left it
to lie idly on the table. A second ex
tension of time has been agreed upon
at the request of our government. The
manufacturers' committee of which I
was a member , visited Washingon a
number of times in its interest. Wo
had the earnest support of the presi
dent from first to last , and the senate
committee upon foreign relations
voted unanimously to report the
treaty with a recommendation for
ratification , yet the senate failed to
act upon it.
"Tho failure to ratify this treaty
has increased the feeling against us
and made the action of the Russian
and German governments seem , rea
sonable. Must it not be an excuse for
other governments to take similar ac
tion ? The sentiment in favor of reci
procity generally , and the ratification
of the French treaty in particular ,
has been growing stronger day by
day. It has the support of nearly all
the press and boards of trade every
where. The action of the Russian
government shows in an impressive
object lesson how speedily a hard
blow may be struck back at our com
merce. A campaign of education
must be carried on throughout the
country by those who are interested
that our manufactures should not be
crippled by such blows. We are the
1.
greatest manufacturing nation upon
earth , and the general prosperity de .
pends largely on that of the manufac
turers of the country. To secure that
prosperity wo must seek , in our deal
ings with Europe , to give ourselves re
ciprocity in the place of retaliation ,
by moulding conflicting interests into
harmony through treaties amicably
concluded for mutual benefit. Suoh
treaties have now become necessary
to us as never before. Formerly we
were content with trade among our
selves , but our marvelous resources ,
supplemented by inventive skill and
economical methods , have given us
the industrial supremacy of the world.
Our capacity for production at low
cost renders foreign markets a neces
sity to keep our labor'employed.
"Yet undoubtedly , despite the ben
efits which our manufacturing enter
prise will draw from the extension of
our markets abroad , it is from a few
manufacturers of the United States
that the strongest opposition is feared.
Some of that opposition has already
found utterance , and is notably bitter
in tone not sparing even our late
President from its scathing criticism.
But wo are hero less concerned with
the motives and the manner of ob-
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