The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, December 05, 1901, Page 7, Image 7
Conservative * air is burdened with nn odor of stale milk. Gives a Sample of Uncleanliness. "Here is a sample of the conditions met with on our tour of inspection. It is a report on a largo creamery near Freeport and reads as follows : "The output of the plant last year was 74,880 pounds of butter , all of which was shipped to Chicago. The creamery handled 1,872,000 pounds of milk. The creamery is located in a two-story frame structure and the owner and his family live upstairs. The boards in the floor are loose and dirty water spurts between the cracks every time a person walks across the floor. "Escaping steam fills the room and this , together with the smell of stale milk , makes the atmosphere almost un bearable. The weigh can cover was covered with a black grease due to the accumulations of months. Directly over the receiving vat was a window covered with dust and soot and cob webs. The appearance of the entire place was slimy and dirty. i "We found the outside of the separat or covered with a black grease half an inch thick. "The woodwork of the cream vat was moldy and foul smelling. The churn wa' filthy and the valve through which the cream flowed was partially clogged with a black grease. The escaping steam in the place kept the ceiling wet all the time and dirty water dripped in to the vats. "The skimmed milk and butter tanks are located directly over a coal pile and every time fuel is removed the dust rises and settles in the tanks. In an ad joining room wo saw thorn working and packing butter amid filthy surround ings. " Solicitude for Sanitation. And from such environments comes the importunate petition for the Grout K bill. Amidst the reeking filth , thus of- . ( , flcially portrayed by Food Inspector Patterson , arises the tender and irre pressible anxiety for the public health which finds philanthropic incarnation ' in the Grout bill. From these Phari sees of the butter trade , in the old-fash- j- ioned thank-God-I-am-not-as-other-men- are style , comes the prayer to Congress that publicans and sinners of the oleo margarine brand be punished and re generated by the torture of extreme taxation. Domesticated Tariffs. But having so long endeavored under the name of protection to exclude exchanges between ourselves and for eigners by the imposition of prohibitive tariff taxes , it is not strange that avari cious and ounuiug citizens should now ask to be protected from competition by their neighbors and rivals in business. As trade which is unprofitable between individuals or nations , always stops it self and only exchanges , which arc mu tually advantageous continue , a pro tective tariff only impedes the latter. And an excise tax for the extinction of an industry like the tax proposed for oleomargarine by the Grout bill is therefore laid upon something in manu facture and commerce for which there is much demand and in which there are many and constantly increasing ex changes. That is to say , such an excise tax could never be asked for upon a commodity not constantly and actively in the market of exchanges. Buttcrino , oleomargarine or any substitute for cow-butter which is popularly demand ed , must have proved itself mutually advantageous and satisfactory to sellers and to buyers , to producers and con sumers. There should be no bill passed to crip ple and destroy the manufacture of but ter substitutes under the false pretence of raising revenue. Such legislation is a menace to all competitive innovations in all lines of production , and an invita tion to avarice and greed to secure a large trade by enactment , which in a free market it shrinks from attempting. There has been too much class legisla tion already. The American people have had too much faith in the mere "be-it enacted" potency of legislation. Goods honestly , wholesomely made and sold at reasonably profitable figures will build up successful industrial plants. Personal and corporate endeavo aided only by integrity and persistent ad herence to fair-dealing , will always suc ceed without legislative aid. To petition Congress for an enactment clearly inimical to a rival in business is a con fession of the merit and worth of that rival , an admission of fear of his competition , and an acknowledgment of inferiority and weakness by the pe titioner. ONE READER SAYS "HOW ? " To The Conservative : Your office has very properly re ferred to me for reply , a postal inquiry by one who signs himself "Reader. " and whose communication is post marked "Elgin , III. , Nov. 20th , 1901 , " and upon the reverse of which is pasted an extract from an article contributed by mo on the subject of the tariff , and which appeared in a recent number of your journal. I here quote the extract from that communication , and also give copy of the inquiry verbatim. The extract - tract is as follows : "As a means of raising revenue for the necessary expense of government , taxes may be legitimately levied and collected , but this should be so done as to make the burthen equal upon all , etc. , etc. " And then follows the request of your "Reader" for information as fol lows : "How ? That is one of our most ur- gout and most perplexing problems. 'Make the burthen equal upon all ? ' All meu ? Or all men and women ? Or nil persons ? Or all property ? In either cnso how ? That is what wo want to know. Please ask Ballou , and let us know. ( Signed ) READER. " If I bo not able at the moment to give full and detailed reply to this compli cated inquiry , and one which is ad mittedly a "most perplexing problem. " the fact of my inability in no wise mili tates against the position taken in the article from which his extract is made. Neither the wisdom nor justice of a measure depends upon the ability or ig norance of its advocates or opponents. Otherwise the Golden Rule would bo God's word in one community and the devil's edict in another. A tariff meas ure is either just or unjust without reference to your "Reader's" approval or my condemnation , and regardless of f anybody's ability to devise a better or , inflict a worse. The endeavor of my article was to criticise and defeat a certain and well denned measure known as a protective tariff , designed professedly to aid in the development of our infant industries , and not to propose measures for the maintenance and support of the govern ment. I acted upon the theory that others than the proprietor of a South African mine might be able to point out a flaw in a diamond , and that a man might condemn the architecture of a particular structure without being called upon to build a city after his own plans. The inquiry of your "Reader , " if legitimate and sincere , should have been directed to congress , or to the chairman of the ways and means com mittee of the house , whose office and duty it is to provide the revenues of government , and , incidentally , to for mulate measures for that purpose. When the writer of this shall have been elected to congress and made chairman of that committee , he will have pleasure in submitting his views and proposed measures to his fellows , and through them to the people at large. But until then it would be as impertinent for him to propose plans and measures , as it is for your "Reader" to demand and com mand it. At the same time it may not bo wholly amiss to suggest to this real or pretended seeker after knowledge , that one way of making the burthen of tax ation equal is to oppose measures which tend to make them unequal. As Secre tary Sherman once said , "the way to resume is to resume , " and so , the way to make taxation equal is to prevent inequality. And when a measure like a protective tariff , which is confessedly and avowedly partial and discriminat ing , is proposed , your "Reader" may find an answer to one of his "Hows" by opposing and defeating it. BALLOU. Omaha , Nob. , Nov. 25 , 1901.