" t \ , ' " 'fl 1 *
\ l \
8 Conservative *
Arithmetic , Civil Government , Physiol
ogy , Political Economy , English History ,
Trigonometry , etc. If nny pupil does
not wish to take Latin , ho is not com
pelled to do so. Ho is permitted electives
enough to feel that ho hns freedom of
choice at the same time his work is
renlly grouped under one of the three
courses offered.
Elective Courses.
This question was also asked of the
graduating class of 1901 : "If all the
studies offered in the high school curric
ulum had been thrown open to your
free choice , would it have made any
difference in your course ? " Back came
the almost unanimous answer that it
would not have made any difference.
Suppose we had an open elective or
laisczfaire policy , does the boy know
what is best for him ? The very study
he is behind in or despises is often the
study he really needs. The pupil who
questions the use of studying Latin is
the pupil needing it the most. The boy
who cannot get along in Algebra is the
one who most needs the training. A
guiding hand is especially needed m a
high school education. I once read an
editorial in a largo daily : "The average
f , high school boy has hardly got beyond
" * * ' the period when he is puzzled to decide
whether he will be a general , an admiral
or a circus clown. To throw open a
course of study to the election of such
immature minds would be as edifying a
spectacle as to allow an infant to exper
iment with different colored candles for
the similitude could be extended to the
ultimate effect on brain and bowels. "
OUR PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
[ By Prof. C.V. . French , Hyde Park High
School , Chicago , 111. ]
The trouble with the schools is both
external and internal. In very brief it
may be said that there is too much poli
tics outside and too little inside.
The supremacy of the "political pull"
in the management of the schools will
not only seriously retard them in their
work , but will effectually prevent them
from accomplishing their true mission.
It is a deplorable fact that the political
spoilsman has already laid his hands
upon'them , and in many sections of the
country is making the most strenu
ous efforts to establish his sway over
them. These insidious attacks should
be resisted to the uttermost , for if they
succeed , a fatal blow will be struck at
the very foundations of democratic gov
ernment. Position and preferment in
the public schools must always find
their conditions in real merit. This is
axiomatic.
The fundamental purpose of the pub
lic schools is to fit the rising generations
for righteous and intelligent citizenship.
Yet it is too often true that scholastic
ism and the ability to pass examinations
are regarded as the final test of their ef
ficiency. This standard must bo aban
doned and a broader and higher ono
adopted , which shall inspire persistent
and wisely directed efforts towards a
real and systematic training for Ameri
can citizenship. If political standards
are deteriorating , and society falling
to any extent from its former high es
tate the public schools must bear their
share of the blame , and they , above all
American institutions , possess the
power to remedy the evil.
Chicago , 111 , Nov. 20 , 1901.
"Liberty without education produces
anarchy ; education without liberty ,
revolution. " [ Dr. Virohow in a politi
cal speech. ]
PUBLIC SCHOOLS AND PROMINENT
EDUCATORS.
[ By Thomas 8. Wallin. ]
In some letters from your office I am
told you propose to stir up the public
school questions , and begin by asking
prominent educators to write about it.
I objected to the opinions of "promi
nent educators. " They have been guid
ing that movement too long and have
got our schools way off the track , ac
cording to the ideas of many people.
Then you say : "We are going to
other people too to lawyers , judges ,
editors. " Now , this is very little bet
ter. These are all scholars , book-men
people of purely intellectual pursuits ,
and that is the foundation of the whole
trouble.
They are not ten per cent of the
world's workers , but it is thought
they know best what the other ninety
needs , and are the only ones whose
opinions are worth printing , excepting ,
perhaps , the preachers and politicians ,
and an occasional interview with some
merchant or mechanic who has achieved
a remarkable success.
Is it not plain that none of these
know best what the mass of the people
need ?
The Best Judges.
Every class believes in its supreme
importance , and udvises the course in
which they have walked. What , then
should be done ? Evidently consult
those who can speak by experience
for the majority of the people. Ask
the farmer , the mechanic , the merchant ,
the railroad man , ( those who have
been moderately successful , ) how shall
the youth be trained to have a fair
chance of success in your respective
pursuits ?
Their own experience is the valuable
thing. They may have imbibed ex
aggerated opinions of the import
ance of "sohoolin" ' they did
not get. Now comes in the
good work of the wise editor , who
weighs the experience and opinions and
decides upon their relative value as a
guide to the rising generations.
Elgin , 111. , Nov. 20 , 1901.
FREE HIDES.
MY HON. WILLIAM u. KICK.
In this country no man raises cattle
for their hides. A tariff tax will not
increase or diminish the domes
tic production by ono hide.
Wo import South American hides
beca so.wo . need them. Twenty-
five per cent , of the leather
manufactured in this country is made
from foreign hides and skins. The
tariff upon them is simply and purely
a tax , burdening the people and crip
pling our manufacturers in foreign
markets.
By the act of July 24 , 1897 , the
Dingley tariff , a duty of 15 per cent ,
ad valorem was placed upon hides ,
which had been free for twenty-five
years previously. The imposition of
this duty has entailed a tax upon the
country amounting to not less than
$2,000,000 annually , has added from-
5 to 8 per cent , to the cost of every
American-made pair of boots or shoes ,
and has made it just that much
harder to compete in foreign markets.
By the same act a rebate of 99 per
cent , of the duty is given "on exports
of leather made of imported hides ,
the effect of which has been to dis
criminate against American and in
favor of foreign manufacturers.
But ten years ago the possibilities
of an export trade in shoes were not
thought worth consideration. A man's
Americanism was likely to be ques
tioned , if ho expressed a desire for it.
The most honored and most promi
nent man connected with our industry ,
publicly stated that there was no
foreign trade worth having , and , if
there were , it would be impossible to
compete with the poorly-paid work
men of other nations for the trade of
the world. As late as 1897 , a dis
tinguished congressman from a shoe-
manufacturiug district in Now Hamp
shire wrote in a public letter , "We
are not , never have been , and I hope
never shall be , to any considerable
extent , exporters of boots and shoes. ' '
Today no intelligent person , who
studies the situation , doubts our abil
ity to successfully compete for a
share of the trade of the world , if wo
can have equal opportunities with our
foreign competitor in the purchase of
materials. We pay more for our labor
and it is worth more. We have
learned that it is not the lowest-paid
labor that makes the lowest-cost prod
uct. In our shoe-manufacturing
towns , generation after generation has
studied and practiced the industry ,
until the great body of our workmen
are not merely shoe makers , but edu
cated , intelligent artisans.
This marvellous advance in capacity
for production of quality and quantity
has outstripped the power of our own
country to consume. Wo can manu
facture in nine months as many shoes