'Cbc Conservative *
should , and doubtless will , be followed
by other states. A few such local evi
dences of the real convictions of the
party towards the Nebraska dictator
should bring new hope and now deter
mination to the rank and file , and in
sure the selection at the next national
convention of a leader upon whom all
factions of the organization can unite.
Kansas Oity Star ( ind. ) .
Other states will follow the lead of
Ohio. In the East and the middle
West the machinery of the party is in
the hands of men who , though they
have kept themselves regular , have little
or no sympathy with Bryanism. One
thing that has hold them in line has
been their desire to keep control of the
organization. So the Ohio precedent is
likely to bo popular. In a word , the
counter-revolution lias begun. It will
not bo arrested. It may be checked oc
casionally , but it will go on. For all
the great influences of the time are in
its favor. The truth is that the country
Itself has moved wholly away from the
cheap-money idea. Indianapolis News
( ind. ) .
Ohio politics is practical or nothing.
On the republican side it has become a
national by-word. On the democratic
side it is only less familiar because it has
less opportunity and is less successful.
If it were to be Bryan again , Ohio
would have said as much. The fact
that Ohio has said quite the contrary
sounds more distinctly the knell of
Bryanism than similar action in almost
any other state. Waterbury American
( ind. ) .
"What the action of the Ohio demo
crats means , is perfectly plain. It is a
decided step towards the reorganization
of the party. It proclaims to demo
crats throughout the country that the
time has come for democracy to return
to the old party standards , and to put its
destiny in the keeping of leaders who
can command the respect and confidence
of the intelligence , the patriotism , and
the substantial interests of the country.
And it is a proclamation which there is
good reason to believe will be very
generally heeded. Omaha Bee ( rep. ) .
A HATER OP AUTOMOBILES.
A newspaper published in Nice , France ,
says of the automobile : ' ' These vehicles
aio bringing about the complete ruin of
tiie coast , as well as of all the watering
places by taking possession of the princi
pal roads and driveways and speeding
over them. Persons who walk on the
roads or who ride in other carriages are
virtually taking their lives in their
hands. The so-called automobile week
which we have just had at Nice has been
a veritable scandal. During whole days
the public was debarred from the Prom
enade des Anglas. More than one
hundred thousand persons were af
fronted in order that a few millionaires
might be satisfied. "
"PROTECTION" AFFORDED BY TRADE
UNIONS.
Mr. D. H. Caldwell , the editor of the
Iowa Unionist , says , in part : "As this
misrepresentation of trade unionism
has been given prominence by a con
servative editor ofa very conservative
and worthy journal , it becomes our duty
to answer at least one of the statements
made. "
This obligation refers to an article
which appeared in THE CONSERVATIVE ,
over my signature , Juno 27th , entitled ,
"Trades Unions. " In this short expres
sion of opinion , the writer asked ,
"What protection do labor unions afford
their members ? " The answer given
was to the effect that there were legal
and established means for the protec
tion of all citizens against physical
violence , and that protection against
economic dangeijs must come through
economic sources ; therefore , in what
way do they protect ?
The editor , above mentioned , either
grants the truth of the other arguments
in the article , or admits that fhev are of
less consequence than the one he as
sumes to answer.
Ho says : "Can it bo expected that
the laws are made impartial by legisla
tors , elected in the different states by
the combined interest of the money
power ? " He cites the instances of the
militia and the Pullman strike at Chicago
cage , the Pinkertou "murderers" and
the Homestead strike and the "Bull
Pen" incident , to prove the partiality of
law. Then the worthy editor sums up
his argument by laying the blame upon
the shoulders of the' ' poor laboring man. "
in these words : ' ' Can you expect
impartial laws until the working people
of this country will take a hand and as
sist in electing members of the legisla
ture in the different states , regardless
of party , who will feel that they are
under no obligations to corporations , or
their tools ? "
First , I wish it understood that I am
not identified with any "money power , "
that I am not employed in any capacity
which could in any way be unionized ,
and also that I have no interest in the
question further than the application of
the principle of economics to the con
dition.
I ask the editor this question : Under
the most impartial law , what right has
a body of citizens , bearing the name of
a trades union , to protect itself as a
body from physical violence ?
I admit that self-defense is lawful
under certain restrictions ; this only ,
however , when applied to individuals.
The law of self-defense cannot apply to
associations outside of those military
organizations which are sanctioned by
the general government.
The citation of the conflicts above
mentioned , in this connection , would
imply that under an impartial system of
law , the members of trades unions could
organize themselves into a temporary
army , and , thoroughly armed and equip
ped with all the weapons of modern war
fare , protect themselves in a labor war
against capital.
This is unreasonable , Mr. Editor , and
I cannot bring myself to the belief that
you would advance such a war-like
function as an adjunct to labor associ
ations.
But the most conspicuous , and to a
certain extent , truthful statement in
your editorial , is , that impartial law
cannot be realized until the individual
laboring-man rises to the full height of
his obligation , and regardless of party
affiliation , exercises to the most com
plete extent , his constitutional independ
ence and his high duty of franchise.
The remedy for prevalent discord in
law , if there bo any , is not with the
bullet , but with the ballot.
You ask several questions , one of
which I have answered. Another I
quote : "Do you think the laws worn
impartial that allowed a president of
the United States to call out the regular
trorms to butcher the laborinc
during the Pullman strike at Chicago ,
when this difficulty could have been
settled by arbitration ? "
The writer was a resident of Chicago
at that time. It was then that the
members of the American Railway
Union took into their hands the weapons
of warfare , and heedless of the rights
guaranteed by the constitution of the
United States , they destroyed property
and hazarded the lives of the citizens of
Chicago both day and night. During
that period the walls of my bed-room
were painted blood-red from the reflec
tion of the fires which were destroying
thousands of dollars of private and pub
lic property.
For his action in calling out the reg
ular troops of the United States army ,
I shall always commend Grover Cleve
land.
I am not a believer in licensing and
granting unrestricted liberty to any
man who carries a torch in one hand
and war's weapon in the other. If
arbitration could have settled this dif
ficulty , why was it not resorted to ? Be
cause Eugene V. Debs was the general
of the striking army. He would listen
to no proposition of peace , no compro
mise , and entertained himself solely
with the hope of ultimate victory over
government , law and order.
You can bring your organization to
the respect of all decent citizens , when
their management is deposited in the
hands of men who are broad enough to
appreciate the principles of cause and
effect. Your present mode of control
aggravates economic and social , con
ditions. With you , I believe in the im
partial protection afforded by the consti
tution to life , liberty and property.
With you , I believe that no man , or
body of men , has the right to deprive
any citizen of these privileges without
"due process of law. "
If the law is imperfect , let it be per
fected by legitimate , constitutional
methods , and not by violence on the
part of either industrial combinations or
combinations of labor.
LEWIS M. HEAD ,
Nebraska Oity , Nob. , July 20,1901.
