Hbe Consenrativc.
The remarkable
A REDUNDANT economists who , in
CURRENCY. common speeches
and commoner
periodicals , declare that there should bo
more currency , per capita , circulating
among the American people , are respect
fully requested by THE CONSERVATIVE
to refute , if possible , this fundamental
law of the effect of the increase of the
quantity , which is briefly :
"That as long as the increase of the
quantity of money affects the value of
money with respect to debts , it has no
effect on its value with respect to com
modities ; and as soon as it begins to
affect its value with respect to com
modities , it ceases to affect its value
with respect to debts. "
If some distinguished vagarist will
demonstrate the foregoing , laid down as
fundamental law , to bo illogical , THE
CONSERVATIVE will bo better informed.
The first part of this proposition was
demonstrated to be the truth in 1844 in
England , when an unusual quantity of
money was accumulated in the hands of
bankers and the rate of discount fell to
2 per cent. But there was no general
increase in the price of goods. That is
to say , there was a great diminution in
the value of money with respect to debts ,
but no diminution in its value with re
spect to commodities.
Tew of the citi-
MORE SHADOWS , zens of Otoe coun
ty who listened to
the elusive eloquence of the Honorable
Blarney Smyth and his companions in
sophistry when they were extolling their
athletic endeavors to suppress the starch
industry at Nebraska City last fall will
ever forget the leonine courage that
flashed from the warlike eye of "the
peerless one" when he said he was not
afraid to "talk in the shadow of the
starch works. " Neither will they forget
how delusively the aforesaid "peerless"
populist declared that owners living out
of town would never do Nebraska City
interests any good. Nor can they fail
to recall the ravishing sweetness of the
smile of that peerless prophet when he
forecasted the down-closing of the starch
works under the malignant management
of the National company. And yet the
works are running. The wages are
promptly paid to their employees. The
coal and corn are bought for cash. But
worse than all , the identical miscreants
who established the starch works , who
have operated cereal mills in Nebraska
City , have now bought and are opera
ting the packing houses at the same
capital-accursed center of plutocracy.
Thus there are more shadows to speak in
and the Smyth-Bryan-Oldham combina
tion had better come down and give an
other calamity song and dance before a
Nebraska City audience. Possibly the
"Overland theatre" could be rented for
such a side-splitting farce ?
If there is an
LAND OF editor in the world
SUNSHINE. who loves justice
and truth bettor
than Charles F. Lummis of the "Land
of Sunshine" loves those everlasting
principles , TIIE CONSERVATIVE has never
heard of him. In the February number
of liis magazine aforenamed Mr. Lum
mis , on page 151 , remarks concerning
Professor Ross , now in the University
of Nebraska , and incidentally of
Professor Howard as follows :
"The case of Professor Ross was truly
and very mildly set forth in these
pages two months
Found His Level , ago. Meantime
Professor Ross has
found his place. President Andrews
whose familiar career naturally
gives him a fellow-feeling , has
created a position for him in the Uni
versity of Nebraska. There he will
doubtless be absolutely 'free. ' He
need not be pursued ; but a little more
must be said of him for necessary light
upon the sequel.
"In the 'first Bryan campaign , ' four
years ago , Professor Ross was not only
a loud partisan of
Matters of Taste. Bryan. He pub
lished a campaign
book of very much the caliber , good
taste and common sense of 'Coin'
Harvey's notorious production. It
was entitled An Honest Dollar ; and
was not from plain Ross , but 'By Ed
ward A. Ross , Professor of Economics
in the Leland Stanford , Jr. University. '
That is , he used his place to give him
weight he had not ; and made a nonsectarian -
sectarian , non-partisan , dignified univer
sity forcible and unconsulted partner in
his unbaked , slangy , and essentially
vulgar deliverance , 'illustrated' with
chopping-block cuts of famished labor
ing men and fat bankers. The whole
production would have better fitted a
worker in the Salvation Army than a
professor of anything anywhere. It
outraged all persons of taste who saw it ;
and among them Mrs. Stanford. It was
an offence to manners and balance ?
Questions of party did not enter. That
this is true is sufficiently proved by the
well-known fact that in the campaign
just ended President Jordan himself
was strongly against the Administra
tion's foreign policy , and spoke out more
freely , more manfully and more effec
tively than any other college president
in America. A humor of the case is
that the newspapers which tried in their
little way to get Mrs. Stanford to silence
or behead lu'm for this freedom of speech ,
are loudest in their lamentations over
the underdone and variable Ross as a
martyr to free speech 1 And this , by
the way , Ross himself has never dared
pretend. He has not been particularly
reserved in his 'defense' but all the
talk of his being dismissed for free
speech or at the behest of the money
power was invented by a newspaper.
"The day after the Ross episode became
public , Professor Geo. E. Howard , head
of the history do-
The Plot Thickens , partmeut at Stan
ford , gave his class
a rampant harangue apparently intended
to show his superiority to his 118 asso
ciates in the faculty. 'I do not worship
St. Market street , ' said the wise and
graceful Dr. Howard. 'J do not rever
ence Holy Standard Oil , nor do J doff
my hat to the Celestial Six Companies. '
"Now , unless Dr. Howard is a fool he
meant by this select language that he
was better than the company he kept.
He meant if ho meant anything that
the controlling forces of the University
did 'worship' and 'reverence' and 'doff
the hat' to notorious corporate influences.
And he meant it not only for the head
of the University , but for as many of the
faculty as should not rebel along with
the noble Dr. Howard. Possibly he
overrated Dr. Howard's importance.
The faculty did not follow him. The
students did not revolt. The insurrec
tion was confined to Dr. Howard and
the newspapers. "
A majority of
KICK IT OUT. the Nebraska Leg
islature seem to
think that pandering to the agrarians ,
whom we call populists in this country ,
is the very best employment for a law
maker. Hence there is no organized at
tempt to drive off lobbyists who are try
ing to blackmail corporations by securing
the introduction of bills inimical to all
combinations of capital. The endeavor
to kick out of Nebraska each and every
incorporation which is employing many
men and much money in the material
development of the state , seems to be
vigorous and almost without antagon
ism. Other states solicit capital. Other
states leave incorporations free , within
the limits of the public good , to manu
facture and to sell. But Nebraska re
stricts and annoys by petty statutes.
Small gimlets bore holes in all the incor
porations for the purpose of inserting
straws through which oil inspectors ,
railway commissioners , and other para
sitic politicians may suck subsistence. It
remained for a Nebraska legislature to
cripple the oleomargarine-makers at
South Omaha by unfriendly legislation
one day because oleomargarine was used
as a substitute for butter and the next
day to give a bounty of one cent a pound
on chicory to be used as an adulterant
and substitute for coffee. Other states
call money and millionaires to come
within their boundaries and do business ,
but Nebraska kicks out money and mil
lionaires. It is afraid of plutocracy and
trembles for fear the dollar will be puij
above the man so far that the man can
not reach it.