The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, February 28, 1901, Image 1
Che Conservative VOL. _ . . . III. NO. , 34. NEBRASKA CITY , NEBRASKA , FEBRUARY - - 28 , 1901. - - SINGLE COPIES . . , 5 CENTS. * | iP PUBLISHED WEEKLY. OFFICES : OVERLAND THEATRE BLOCK. , T. STERLING MORTON , EDITOR. A JOURNAL DEVOTED TO THE DISCUSSION OP POLITICAL , ECONOMIC AND SOCIOLOGICAL QUESTIONS. CIRCULATION THIS WEEK , 15,000 COPIES. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. One dollar and a half per year in advance , postpaid to any part of the United States or Canada. Remittances made payable to The Morton Printing Company. Address , THE CONSERVATIVE , Nebraska City , Nebraska. Advertising rates made known upon appli cation. / Entered at the postofllce at Nebraska City , Neb. , as Second Class matter , July 20 , 1898. There is a good PROFITS. deal of scolding about "abnormal profits" among the proletariats who fol low the teachings of the high priests of Bryanarohy as exemplified in common and commoner periodicals. The word "profit" is derived from the Latin. The verbproficere means "tomake progress , " and it is the germ of our every-day word "profit. " The expense of putting any com modity on the market is termed "the cost of its production. " It is intended and hoped that the selling price or value of that commodity may exceed the cost of its production. The "profit" is the difference between the cost of produc tion of any exchangeable thing and its price or value. When this difference exceeds the cost of production , the profit is positive. It is called a gain. When the market value is less than the cost of production , the profit is negatived and it is termed a loss. The complaint that large combina tions of capital are lulling off competi tion in various lines of manufacture , demonstrates , if the complaint be well grounded , that large combinations eliminate competitive wastes and therefore can produce their goods on a less margin of profit than the goods could be produced by smaller concerns. To illustrate : The starch factory at Nebraska City began business with a capacity of 250 bushels of corn a day. At the end of two years it had made a great loss because the margin of profit in the manufacture of starch was so small that it could not compete with larger concerns. Therefore , courage and faith in the corn-producing qualities of Nebraska put in enough capital to make the mills capable of grinding 2,800 to 8,000 bushels of corn a day ; and while the profit of a sixteenth or an eighth of a cent per pound on the starch produced out of this number of bushels of corn may be reasonably satisfactory in mills of the present size , they would break up any company to whom a 250- bushel a day factory in good running order might now bo presented , provided that company were compelled to operate it at the present price for this staple. The machinery and labor employed in the smaller factory are very much more expensive , to the bushel of corn ground , than that employed in the larger one. Sophistical economists who attempt to furnish doctrines and principles for populism never Cost of Labor. tire in talking of "the cost of labor. " They teach that the value of all things exchangeable depends upon the amount of labor put into their production. This is entirely erroneous. The relation of supply to demand , as Tins CONSERVA TIVE has often set forth , is the sole regulator later of values. When demand for a commodity declines , value declines ; when demand ceases entirely , there is no value in that commodity. Vast aggre gations of human muscles and human ingenuity may combine with equally vast aggregations of capital and produce at great cost of labor and the use of much money a very unique article of mosquito nettings and gossamer silks in Greenland ; but the limited demand for that sort of goods in that northern climate would render them nearly value less. The same combination of laboi and capital might establish on the equa tor or in Guatemala a plant for the man ufacture of the heaviest sort of woolen blankets , and the Guatemalan domauc : for such coverlets would be so small that there would be a great loss in their manufacture. But if the two plants are exchanged and the woolen blanket fac tory put to work in Greenland and the mosquito netting and gossamer silk fac tory throws its output upon the markets of Guatemala , there may bo a great profit in each concern. When a corporation transacts a large business each day , either in manufacture transportation or Maximum and banking , it may Minimum. upon a very sinal margin of profit make a maximum income. But smal transactions , few and paltry , must have large profits , in order to live at all. The minimum income is generally fount where the endeavor is to do at a large ) refit a very small business. This line of thought brings one to consider the so-called "trust" question which now agi- Trusts. tates the public mind. Are the argo combinations of capital now pro- lucing illuminating and lubricating oils n the United States a detriment or a benefit to consumers ? When oil was produced and placed on the market by many small corporations , was the quality as good and the price as cheap as now , under the management of the Standard Oil Co. ? Do the people of the United States get better and more oil for less money now than they did under the multi-management of the oil business before it was concentrated under the Rockefeller domination ? If the consumers of oil , steel , iron , wire and other articles alleged to bo in the so-called trusts are getting each of the commodities named at less figures and of a better quality than they did prior to the corporate concentration of capital which now controls them , where is the harm to the American people ? When a citizen rides upon a railroad , or ships freight thereon , does it make any difference to him whether the railroad is owned by one Vanderbilt or one Gould , or forty different small stooldioldors , if the transportation ser vice rendered is at a reasonable cost and of good quality ? How much of the clamor against combinations of capital engaged in manufacture and transporta tion has come from the people them selves , and how much from their self- appointed , fault-finding , declamatory guardians ? The number of PEERLESS dollars invested in VERBOSITY. the great printing plant recently es tablished at Lincoln in the interests of perennial candidature before presidential populist conventions has not yet been enumerated. Nor has the amount of salaries and wages which that great anti-watered stock concern pays out each day to its contented employees been esti mated. But do not forgot the lachry mose prophecy : "The fight this year will be to carry out the sentiment of that song you have eo often repeated : 'My Country , 'Tis of Thee. ' If wo lose , our children's child ren will not stick to the spirit of that song , and celebrations of the Fourth of July will pass away for the spirit of em pire will bo upon us. " Think of it 1 The unstiokability of our descendants to the spirit of that song is melancholy and unmitigated misery. How can they be jarred loose ? When will the Fourth of July become as comatose as the peerless is verbose ?