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VOL. III. NEBRASKA CITY , NEB. , THURSDAY , JAN. 24 , 1901. NO 29.
PUBLISHED WEEKLY.
OFFICES : OVERLAND THEATRE BLOCK.
J. STERLING MORTON , EDITOR.
A JOURNAL DEVOTED TO THE DISCUSSION
OT POLITICAL , ECONOMIC AND SOCIOLOGICAL
QUESTIONS.
CIRCULATION THIS WEEK 9,700 COPIES.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
One dollar and a half per year , in advance ,
postpaid , to any part of the United States or
Canada. Remittances made payable to The
Morton Printing Company.
Address , THE CONSERVATIVE , Nebraska
City , Neb.
Advertising Rates made known upon appli
cation.
Entered at the postoffice at Nebraska City
Neb. , as Second Class matter , July 29th , 1898.
In e WOrk of
THE AMERICAN
COMMONWEALTH.3&meB Brycs on
the government of
the United States , which every thought
ful and patriotic citizen ought to read ,
THE CONSERVATIVE finds the following ,
which members of the Nebraska legis
lature may , at this critical juncture of a
contest for two United States senators ,
study with possible profit :
"The smallness and permanence of the
senate have , however , another important
influence on its character. They con
tribute to one main cause of its success ,
tba superior intellectual quality of its
members. Every European who has
described it has dwelt on the capacity of
those who compose it , and most have
followed De Tocqueville in attributing
this capacity to the method of double
election. The choice of senators by the
state legislatures is supposed to have
proved a better means than direct choice
by the people of discovering and select
ing the fittest men. "
* # * #
"It is no more surprising that the
average capacity of the senate should
surpass that of the house , than that the
average cabinet minister of Europe
should be abler than the average mem
ber of the legislature. "
# * * #
"A man must have had considerable
experience of affairs , and of human
nature in its less engaging aspects , before
he enters this august conclave. "
Among the manyf prominent candi
dates now before the legislature at
Lincoln are some men who quite accept
ably fill the measure for United States
ia senators , described by Mr. Bryce. Ifc is
] / ; hoped by all who have patriotic pride in
the citizenship of Nebraska that senators
of the best and highest character
intellectual and social men distin
guished for straightforward honesty
may be speedily elected. The honor and
the conscience of the state should be
incarnated in its senators.
Originally there
THE UNITED
onlv twenty-
STATES SENATE. were
six members of the
United States senate. In the beginning
it was a small body of large men and in
recent years it has , at times , been a large
body of small men.
During the first five years of its
existence the senate sat with closed
doors. It discussed treaties , appoint
ments by the executive , and made such
discussion and private conferences with
members of the cabinet and the presi
dent the chief duties and occupation of
senators.
Not until 1816 did the United States
senate create standing committees. The
senate of today is an evolution. It has
gained legislative authority without
losing executive powers relating to
treaties and appointments. It is the
only legislative assembly in the world
exercising legislative , executive and
judicial functions. It ought to be com
posed of men who , within constitutional
limitations , can intelligently and
efficiently assist the senate to wisely use
all of its powers.
I 1856NewEng.
COMMUNAL HEREDITY. land was sending
Yankees , Beecher
rifles and bibles to Kansas in carload
lots to make it a free state. The same
year the slaveholding South was ship
ping into Kansas bowie knives , guns
and a game lot of fighting cavaliers to
make it a slave state. Thus the com
monwealth of Kansas came into exist
ence through turmoil , strife and blood
shed. The territorial or pre-natal
condition of the state made an indelible
birth-mark upon its emotional and
intellectual nature. Kansas has always
been , from the date of. its admission to
the Union in 1861 , phenomenally hyster
ical. It has gone from the paroxysmal
convulsions of prohibition on one day
into the idiotic contortions and gyrations
of populism the next day. It has been
most radically republican one year ,
giving eighty thousand majority for
that party , while denouncing , with in-
tensest bigotry and intolerance , all ex-
confederate soldiers as worthy of dam
nation , and another year electing an
ex-confederate colonel to represent it in
the United States senate.
In the early days Kansas welcomed
negroes to become its citizens and with
fervor advocated the rights of Africans
as equal to those of Caucasians ; and
now Kansas burns negroes at the stake
and howls in savage glee while the flesh
of the victim crackles in the flames.
Verily there is such a thing as com
munal heredity.
THE REFORM The Independent
ARMY. which is the prin
cipal populist per
iodical in Nebraska speaks of "the
different sections of the reform army. "
But that valuable illustrator of vagaries
fails to tell the wondering public whether
it belongs to the eastern division of the
reform army , commanded by General
Croker of New York , or the western
division of the same , which is com
manded and glorified by Senator Clark
of Montana.
"Great is Tammany and Croker is its
prophet , " and when reforming in
columns is required , for campaign pur
poses , Oroker is the cheering chum of
the presidential candidate of all popu
lism. And for contributions to the
cause of reform , who gave more than
Senator Clark of Montana ? Croker ,
Clark and reform forever !
THE
PATRONAGE.
TIVE is ambitious
to conserve the best interests of the
social , professional and industrial life of
the people. The wider its circulation ,
and the more general and generous its
patronage the better it can promote
those interests. THE CONSERVATIVE is
not a partisan periodical. It tries to
teach the importance of a refined and
intellectual home-life. It endeavors to
make all classes of the American people
understand the interdependence of labor
and capital. It antagonizes class legis
lation for any industry , 'sect , creed or
association of whatsoever kind. But it
has the courage also to stand up for the
rights of incorporations as well as for .
those of individuals. It sees and knows
how incorporations have dared and risked
and vanquished in struggles with natural
obstacles , with the asperities of the
mountains and the plains , where private
persons and individual capital stood
aghast and powerless. THE CONSERVA
TIVE is in the field for honest money , for
arboriculture , for the elevation and
embellishment of American homes. THE
CONSERVATIVE desires a larger and con
stantly increasing patronage ,
