flf *
Conservative.
President Mo-
MCKINLKY'S _ . , , . .
MESSAGE. Klnl ° y in hlS me8
sago to congress ,
gives a very complete resume of oar re
lations with China. It appears that
trouble originated on account of oriental
prejudice toward our civilization. This
prejudice , in part jnstiflable.was intensi
fied by many untruthful reports con
cerning foreigners that wore industrious
ly circulated by designing boxer leaders.
This feeling of hostility culminated in
an attack upon foreign missions in
which several missionaries were mur
dered. The foreign powers then de
cided to send warships into Chinese
waters as a moral demonstration against
the government and to exact pledges for
the security of foreigners and respect
for treaty rights. This combined fleet
assembled off Taku.
Up to this point the illfeeling toward
foreigners had asserted itself only in occasional -
Attack of Taku. casional . riots . . ,
more or less local
in character and not unlike the race
quarrels in our own country. The pow
ers now attempted to land a considerable
force at Taku , but met with stubborn
resistance from the native garrison. The
fleet then opened fire upon the fort with
deadly effect. In this demonstration ,
be it said to the credit of the American
admiral , he did not take part. As war
with China had not been declared by
his government , he did not believe it to
be in accord with the rules of inter
national law to fire upon a fort gar
risoned by regular soldiers of the Chinese
government.
The bombardment of Taku added fuel
to the flame. It aroused to a frenzy a
feeling of hostility
„ . . J
Effect. , ,
to all foreigners ,
solidified the boxer movement and made
it almost national in character. It was
not a difficult matter for crafty ones to
make the ignorant natives believe that
this attack , without a declaration of
war , meant that the "foreign devils"
intended to invade the country , to pil
lage and murder and that the only hope
for the native was to anticipate them
and kill foreigners wherever they might
be found. Thus the unprovoked attack
of European powers appeared to the
Chinaman.
It is difficult for us to look at the
Chinese question from the standpoint of
tne native China-
, . . ,
. _ .
In Their Place. . . .
man. To better
appreciate the motives that animate him
we should put ourselves in his stead.
Imagine ourselves a primitive , clanish
people , who did everything in the old
rather than the new way , who were
without railways , the great modern
means of communication , and were
lacking in the broad and enlightening in
fluence of the telegraph. Suppose we
had a religion that made sacred the re
mains of our ancestors. Then try to
conceive of some great modern power
representing the wealth and influence of
19th century civilization suddenly
pouncing down upon us ; trying to
change instanter our mode of life ; ruth
lessly violating the sacred traditions of
centuries ; ambitiously pushing railway
enterprises in all directions and in so
doing destroying the burial grounds , the
homes of our sacred dead ; and in ad
dition to this wanton saqrilege tramp
ling upon our property rights by con
structing railroads without due com
pensation to the owners of the property
appropriated. What would we probably
do ?
Upon much less provocation American
mobs have killed foreigners and it is
_ quite possible that
American Boxers. .
some American
citizens might lose their accustomed
self-restraint seek killing
- and vengance by
ing a few of the intruders. And if some
of our citizens should do this , suppose
the country whoss citizens had been the
victim of our violence , should send an
armed fleet to New York City and at
tempt to land a large force and , in the
event of resistance , shell the forts of the
city , how would we construe the act ?
Would we not view it as contrary to the
law of nations ? Those who recall the
effect throughout the country of the fir
ing upon Fort Sumpter , how it electri
fied the people , will appreciate the prob
able reception of the news of such an
attack. Would it not thoroughly arouse
our people , intensify their hatred of
foreigners and all foreign influences and
lead to a general uprising ? Would not
many of our citizens be tempted to re
gard the defiance of international usage
by the offending foreign power as a
precedent for them to violate statutory
law and as a justification for inflicting
summary vengeance upon all foreigners ?
The imaginary case is aptly illustra
tive of the conditions in China. Prior to
. . . . . . tne attack upon
„ * .
An Apt Illustration. „ , , - , . . - ,
Taku , as indicated
by the president's message , there were
only isolated cases of riot. Communi
cation to Peking was open. Some four
hundred men were sent to Peking as a
guard to the legation. There is noth
ing in the president's entire message to
indicate that any difficulty was exper
ienced in getting them there or that
there was any reason to expect trouble
in future efforts to increase the legation
guard. After this attack however com
munication with Peking was out off. It
was then the siege really began and the
lives of the legation became desperately
endangered. It would appear from the
facts , as presented by President Mo-
Kinley , that the severe hardships en
dured by Americans and other foreign
ers in Peking may be traced as the direct
and logical outcome of the unjustifiable
attack of European powers upon the
Chinese garrison at Taku.
And in view of this ought we not have
less severity and more charity for the
yellow man ? President McKinley is to
be commended for the humanity of his
policy in demanding of the Chinese
"
government only the punishment of
those responsible for the murder of
American citizens and a guaranty for the
respect of treaty rights in the future ,
leaving the question of indemnity to
the arbitration board created by the re
cent peace conference at the Hague.
The most startling -
RECIPROCITY.
ling statement in
the president's message is that relating
to "reciprocity" which merely means
homeopathic free trade. His opinion
upon this subject is particularly signifi
cant because Mr. MoKinley bos been
the leading exponent of the protective
idea and owes his political prominence
to the association of his name with a
tariff bill which fixed almost prohibitive
duties to protect American industries.
In his message this year the president
thus refers to reciprocity :
"The policy of reciprocity so mani
festly rests upon the principles of inter
national equity and has been so re
peatedly approved by the people of the
United States , that there ought to be no
hesitation in either branch of the con
gress in giving to it full effect.
' This government desires to preserve
the most just and amicable commercial
relations with all foreign countries un
moved by the industrial rivalries
necessarily developed in the expansion
of international trade. It is believed
that the foreign governments generally
entertain the same purpose. "
This is more conciliatory and indica
tive of a wiser and more judicious
international pol-
Moro Friendly. . , , . , *
icy than the utter
ances of other protectionist presidents
in regard to foreign commerce. For
merly those who advocated reciprocal
commercial regulations with free-trade
Great Britain were charged with lack
ing true Americanism and accused of
Anglophilism. Now Mr. McKinley
acknowledges it to be "manifestly" in
accord with "the principles of inter
national equity" to have free trade , not
only with England , but with every
other nation that will trade freely with
us. A tariff is no longer commended or
advocated for protection , but is justi
fied only as a means of retaliation.
Democratic principles are being vindi
cated with a vengeance. The republi
can party is accepting the theory of
commerce and revenue of the old-
fashioned democracy in addition to
embracing and attempting to carry out
the financial policy of the last demo
cratic administration. It is a long stop
toward the realization of an equitable
and reasonable revenue system , for Mr.
McKinley to proclaim his preference for
a retaliatory rather than a protective
tariff.
The desire for commercial expansion
is responsible in a large measure for
, . this change of
Commercial . . . . ,
Expansion. position upon the
tariff question.
American commercial interests are today
observing that for every dollars worth
of foreign products shut out of the
markets of the United States there are
a dollars worth of American products
shut in , and they prefer to get their
goods oat to keeping them in.
' mm ?