8 the Conservative.
WIIEN LOVE IS KING. "
It is always a sincere pleasure to rec
ognize and to commend the worth of a
literary work produced by one who
dwells in our own state. We have re
ceived from Mrs. Isabel Richey of Platts-
mouth , Nebraska , a book entitled "When
Love is King. " This title is also given
to the first and longest poem in the vol
ume. This narrative poem shows the
charming gift of genius which enables
the author to describe the ordinary
events of life in a manner made attrac
tive by its simplicity and its truly poet
ical style. The readers' attention is
held while the story is easily and skill
fully told.
Shorter contributions of musical verse
and prose , each gemmed with beauty of
thought , complete the pages of Mrs.
Richey's book , from which is taken the
following selection :
WEALTH.
Who has such vast wealth as I ,
Such unending pleasure ;
Golden sun and sapphire sky.
Em'rald fields that rippling lie
Far as eye can measure.
Discs of gold are at my feet ,
Diamonds gem the grasses ,
Priceless incense , rich and sweet ,
From the flowers among the wheat
On each breeze that passes.
Silver streams that murmur low
'Gainst their pearl-set edges ,
Silver stars that softly glow ,
Or a parti-colored bow ,
Bending o'er the hedges.
Purple velvet curtains fall
Where the sun is setting ,
Amber fire-flies o'er the wall
Of the misty evening crawl
On a white lace netting.
All is mine , and if you will
All is yours , wayfarer ;
Each may own the vale and hill ,
Each may gaze and gaze his fill ;
Come , be a welcome sharer.
ARMY REORGANIZATION.
In the plan of army reorganization
prepared by Secretary Root congress
should recognize what appears to be a
final and satisfactory solution of a diffi
cult problem. In brief this plan pro
vides for the establishment of a perma
nent organization of 50,000 men. This
will be the nation's regular army , the
nucleus of whatever land force is to be
raised in time of war. The president ,
by the terms of the plan , will hold dis
cretionary authority to increase this
army up to a maximum of 100,000 , each
company of sixty men being recruited
up to its full maximum strength of 120.
The advantages of this plan should
be obvious , for while it does away with
the maintenance of a large army , most
of it useless much of the time , it
renders possible the calling of a formid
able army into being on short notice
and without the delay involved in wait
ing for congressional action. It is ob
viously far easier to raise companies of
sixty to companies of 120 , by the simple
process of gradually absorbing recruits ,
than to drill a company composed en
tirely of raw recruits into anything like
military efficiency. In other words , it
is easier to fill the ranks of a well-offi
cered regular army , keeping it up to
the efficiency of regular forces , than it
is.to build a considerable part of an
army separately and anew.
The elasticity of such an organization
thus makes it peculiarly adaptable to
the needs of a nation which means to
pursue a peaceful policy but must be
ready to act quickly if hostile action be
needed. Secretary Root's plan would
entail npau the government the burden
of actually supporting only 60,000 men ,
but while the cost and care would be
thus limited the nation would have in
effect the advantages of protection
which an army twice the size would
give.
The arrangement , of course , would
require special care in providing for an
adequate complement of officers , but
the practicability of getting officers
seems to have been shown by recent ex
perience. The nation's land forces were
suddenly increased threefold practi
cally from 26,000 to 100,000. While the
process imposed a strain , and many regi
ments were badly underofficered , there
is no reason to believe that it would not
be perfectly feasible to officer an army
of 100,000 with only half that number
as a permanent basis. If it involved in
some cases the placing of recently grad
uated officers in responsible positions , it
would quicken the process of promotion
and tend to bring the actual command
of regiments more and more into the
hands of men in the prime of early mid
dle age.
Secretary Root's plan in its general
outline merits the nation's approval.
Chicago Record.
A STUDY OF NEBRASKA.
When the present campaign opened it
found the state of Nebraska a decidedly
poor field for republicans. The fusionists -
ists had complete control of the state
government ( every state institution
working for the fusion ticket ) , while
four of the six congressmen , one of the
senators and a majority of the supreme
court were theirs , and the renomination
of W. J. Bryan seemed to assure to them
the electoral vote of the state. Control
of the legislature counted for nothing ,
for its only republican act had been
negatived by death and it had adjourned
eighteen months before the campaign
begun. Republicans did not base many
hopes on their record of carrying the
legislature in 1898 , for then Mr. Bryan
was in the army and took no part in the
contest. It was a discouraging outlook
and the battle was a storm-swept , bitter
and hard-fought one of which we in the
east can have little conception. What
is the result ? Republican gains in
almost every precinct , four fusionist'
congressmen elected by hundreds where
four and two years ago they had thous
ands , two republican congressmen by
larger pluralities , the electoral vote for
McKiuley , the whole state ticket and
a majority of the legislature republican ,
insuring union in legislation and two
republican United States senators. It
certainly was to the majority party a
glorious and surprising victory.
Yet upon the party a heavy responsi
bility is laid. It has , we opine , well
learned its lessons of adversity. Its
nominees of recent years have been men
of high character. It can no longer put
up "yaller dogs" and hope to elect
them. To that extent populism has
beiiefitted Nebraska in purifying the
great party. No more of its state offi
cers will bo tried and convicted of em
bezzlement and no more state money
will be lost by bank wreckers who are
sent to federal prisons. The new legis
lature must readjust the congressional
boundaries according to the new census ,
and probably will have to cut down the
number of'districts to five owing to the
small increase in population. It should
also readjust the legislative boundaries ,
which have not been changed in twenty
years. The petty jealousies of the older ,
long-settled rural counties prevented
this act of justice from consummation
ten years ago in much the same way in
which the little towns of Connecticut hug
their rights of a century ago and decline
to yield them to the demands of growth
and progress. For example , Richard
son county , in the extreme southeast
corner , has one senator and three repre
sentatives with its 6,000 votes , while
Douglas ( Omaha ) , with six times those
votes , has but three times the members
of the legislature. The constitution of
the state declares that after each state
census , which shall be taken at inter
vals of ten years from 1885 , and also
after every national census , the bound
aries of the legislative districts shall be
set in accordance with the showings of
that census , but the quarrelings of the
various sections , especially the envy of
the old counties and the rivalry of
Omaha and Lincoln , have prevented
this action. And while on this point it
may be well to add that in spite of the
constitutional order ( 'shall" ) for a state
canvass every ten years , none was taken
in 1895 because of its expense and the
bad plight in which it would have re
vealed the state after it had so greatly
suffered from drouth and consequent
crop failures. And so Nebraska returns
to republicanism. Except as populism
has made better the opposing party by
the chastening influence of affliction , it
is difficult to see wherein the experiment
has helped the state. Scandals have
continued , although not so great as be
fore , and the administrators have been
no more efficient and little more honest ,
and unsafe legislation has often been
threatened. The change will , probably ,
" clean out" every state institution of
its heads and none of the officers will
