Conservative *
coived. I expect to attend the conven
tion at Omaha and am glad that yon are
going. I will try and leave here at 1 , so
that we can get together and talk over
platform before the convention. I have
no doubt we will agree on tariff opin
ions , bat I have been in much trouble
over the temperance plank. I , like you
and the great bulk of the party , am
opposed to prohibition , but thought that
as the republicans took no stand on
prohibition we had better content our
selves with a declaration against
sumptuary legislation such as we usually
have.
"We have a number of men who will
vote for the amendment , among them
Sawyer , Snell , Lewis , Miller , Whitmore ,
etc. , etc. They do not ask us to declare
in favor of prohibition , but simply to do
as the republicans have done , leave it to
each individual to vote as he likes , By
declaring against prohibition we will
Jose a good many votes , while we will
not gain republican votes. We tried
that last fall in our county , declared in
so many words against prohibition and
the saloons went solid against us.
"I wish I could see you before the
convention. Can't you come up here
Tuesday morning and go from here to
Omaha ; and we can discuss all of the
planks ? Will draw up the plank you
suggest. Yours truly ,
"W. J. BRYAN. "
He advised his party to take a stand
not for or against the principle of pro *
hibition but a position that would secure
the votes not only of those who favored
the prohibitory amendment , but in
addition would prevent a repetition of
the campaign "when the saloons went
solidly against us. "
The old-time democrats of the state of
Nebraska know quite well that Mr.
, . _ , , Bryan sought to
. . . .
Object of Fusion. , ,
manipulate the
party in this state , not for the good of
the party or of the country , but in the
interests of Mr. Bryan , as the following
letter clearly shows :
"COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS ,
HotisE OF REPRESENTATIVES , WASHING
TON , July 25 , 1892. Dear Sir : I just
received a letter from Thompson. He
says that a conference of democrats will
be held on the 28th , and asked me what
effect McKeighan's endorsement would
have on me. I told him by telegram
that I do not want to advise but that I
thought his endorsement would mater
ially help me. He said he had an en
gagement for the 28th , so I write yon to
say that if McKeighan is endorsed I can
come into his district and speak , and
every speech I make for him will help
me with the independents. It will also
enable our people to work for indepen
dent votes. While if the democrats try
to defeat him it will drive away my
independent friends. It will be hard to
convince them that democrats will vote
for him if the organization nominates a
candidate against him.
"Now this is simply given as my
opinion for your consideration , and not
to be repeated as coming from me and
not with any desire to meddle with
politics of your district. Yours truly ,
"W. J. BRYAN. "
This letter explains the object of fusion
or the endorsement of populists by
democrats. Mr. Bryan says it would
help "me. " The same year Mr. Bryan
wrote this letter advising the endorse
ment of a populist congressman by a
democratic convention , he worked and
voted for Weaver , the populist , electors
instead of voting for Cleveland electors.
To prove that as late as 1894 Mr.
Bryan had not entirely gotten over his
"offloe-for-the-
- - -
Focuniary Purpose. . ,
money mania we
publish this letter :
"COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS ,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES , WASHING
TON , May 29 , 1894. Dear Sir : I believe
that the easiest way to become United
States senator would be to announce
myself as a populist and be nominated
by them , for I believe we could elect a
populist legislature in that way without
doubt. To do that , however , would
prevent my doing certain work which I
regard as very important. As an
avowed populist I would be criticised
for going into the democratic districts
and urging populists to support free sil
ver democrats , and I would be expected
to act in harmony with populist leaders
in lines of policy , for they would resent
such independence as I would think
necessary , and a dissention might injure
the party more than I could help it. I
want to go to Montana to elect silver
democrats , and I may want to help a
fusion in Wyoming. In other words , I
want to be free to go where I can do the
most good , and while it may not result
in electing mo to the senate , I believe I
can help to elect four or five silver con
gressmen and one silver senator from
Nebraska. I would rather see this ac
complished than be in congress myself.
It is barely possible that the legislature
will be so divided that I may be elected
senator. While this would be accept
able and would enable me to carry on
the fight on national questions , it is a
matter about which I do not worry ,
because I am satisfied that I can make
more outside of congress than I make
here , and I would be with my family
more and would have to work less.
"I hope you may find your new work
both congenial and remunerative.
Whenever there are public documents
which you would like , let me know and
I will be glad to send them. Very truly
yours , W. J. BRYAN. "
"Not for publication. "
Election to the senate was of little
concern to him. "I can make , " he
says , "more money outside of congress
.4
than I can here. " The emoluments of
his position as attorney for the silver
trust were fully as large as the salary
of a United States senator. He was a
populist at heart but thought a public
declaration of the fact would interfere
with the performance of his work un
der his contract with the silver kings , '
in aiding to elect congressmen pledged
to their interests. This brings us down
to about the time of Mr. Bryan's nomi
nation for the presidency by the amal
gamated silver parties. His career
since that time is quite familiar to all.
ADVERTISING.
In one of the eastern colleges they
used to tell about a Japanese student
who was chosen by his class to make an
address to one of their professors , in
presenting him with a cane or some such
testimonial. The Jap expressed their
common appreciation of the professor's
efforts , and told him that his words had
been manure , causing the dormant-
seeds of thought in their minds to spring
up and bear fruit. It was meant well ,
but the professor was ill at ease , for he
knew others would be amused when
they heard of it.
In this sense far be it from us to
say in any other the efforts of Messrs.
Bryan and Smyth to find and destroy
trusts in this neighborhood have been
as manure , causing a beautiful crop of
advertising for Nebraska City and her
humble starch manufacturing plant to
spring up all over the country.
We learn from eastern exchanges the
following interesting facts : "The Argo
factory was established in 1887 ; it pays
$300,000 in wages annually ; it uses 300-
000 bushels of corn every working day
in the year ; it consumes a million bush
els of corn per year ; it produces $500-
000 worth of starch per annum ; about
one -third of the citizens of Nebraska
City are stockholders ; it uses 3,000
bushels of corn in a day : it makes 80
tons of starch every 24 hours , besides
oatmeal , hominy and other cereal
foods , " besides many other curious
facts , not at all consistent with the usu
ally accepted rules of arithmetic.
And this is only the first fruits of Mr.
Bryan's benevolent intentions toward
our community.
In his speech at
'
CHOKER'S lATE
HinfcWeflt
INVESTMENT.
thus expressed his felicity that he was
opposed by the business men of the
country :
"I am glad that I have not behind me
the trust magnates , for I do not want
them to tell me how they elected me
and therefore claim that they own me. "
Mr. Bryan is of the opinion that a
president must feel that he is "owned"
by the influences that contribute to his
success. How , then , do the American
people like the prospect of a president
owned by the Tammany "Boss ? "
