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About The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 25, 1900)
Conservative * coived. I expect to attend the conven tion at Omaha and am glad that yon are going. I will try and leave here at 1 , so that we can get together and talk over platform before the convention. I have no doubt we will agree on tariff opin ions , bat I have been in much trouble over the temperance plank. I , like you and the great bulk of the party , am opposed to prohibition , but thought that as the republicans took no stand on prohibition we had better content our selves with a declaration against sumptuary legislation such as we usually have. "We have a number of men who will vote for the amendment , among them Sawyer , Snell , Lewis , Miller , Whitmore , etc. , etc. They do not ask us to declare in favor of prohibition , but simply to do as the republicans have done , leave it to each individual to vote as he likes , By declaring against prohibition we will Jose a good many votes , while we will not gain republican votes. We tried that last fall in our county , declared in so many words against prohibition and the saloons went solid against us. "I wish I could see you before the convention. Can't you come up here Tuesday morning and go from here to Omaha ; and we can discuss all of the planks ? Will draw up the plank you suggest. Yours truly , "W. J. BRYAN. " He advised his party to take a stand not for or against the principle of pro * hibition but a position that would secure the votes not only of those who favored the prohibitory amendment , but in addition would prevent a repetition of the campaign "when the saloons went solidly against us. " The old-time democrats of the state of Nebraska know quite well that Mr. , . _ , , Bryan sought to . . . . Object of Fusion. , , manipulate the party in this state , not for the good of the party or of the country , but in the interests of Mr. Bryan , as the following letter clearly shows : "COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS , HotisE OF REPRESENTATIVES , WASHING TON , July 25 , 1892. Dear Sir : I just received a letter from Thompson. He says that a conference of democrats will be held on the 28th , and asked me what effect McKeighan's endorsement would have on me. I told him by telegram that I do not want to advise but that I thought his endorsement would mater ially help me. He said he had an en gagement for the 28th , so I write yon to say that if McKeighan is endorsed I can come into his district and speak , and every speech I make for him will help me with the independents. It will also enable our people to work for indepen dent votes. While if the democrats try to defeat him it will drive away my independent friends. It will be hard to convince them that democrats will vote for him if the organization nominates a candidate against him. "Now this is simply given as my opinion for your consideration , and not to be repeated as coming from me and not with any desire to meddle with politics of your district. Yours truly , "W. J. BRYAN. " This letter explains the object of fusion or the endorsement of populists by democrats. Mr. Bryan says it would help "me. " The same year Mr. Bryan wrote this letter advising the endorse ment of a populist congressman by a democratic convention , he worked and voted for Weaver , the populist , electors instead of voting for Cleveland electors. To prove that as late as 1894 Mr. Bryan had not entirely gotten over his "offloe-for-the- - - - Focuniary Purpose. . , money mania we publish this letter : "COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS , HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES , WASHING TON , May 29 , 1894. Dear Sir : I believe that the easiest way to become United States senator would be to announce myself as a populist and be nominated by them , for I believe we could elect a populist legislature in that way without doubt. To do that , however , would prevent my doing certain work which I regard as very important. As an avowed populist I would be criticised for going into the democratic districts and urging populists to support free sil ver democrats , and I would be expected to act in harmony with populist leaders in lines of policy , for they would resent such independence as I would think necessary , and a dissention might injure the party more than I could help it. I want to go to Montana to elect silver democrats , and I may want to help a fusion in Wyoming. In other words , I want to be free to go where I can do the most good , and while it may not result in electing mo to the senate , I believe I can help to elect four or five silver con gressmen and one silver senator from Nebraska. I would rather see this ac complished than be in congress myself. It is barely possible that the legislature will be so divided that I may be elected senator. While this would be accept able and would enable me to carry on the fight on national questions , it is a matter about which I do not worry , because I am satisfied that I can make more outside of congress than I make here , and I would be with my family more and would have to work less. "I hope you may find your new work both congenial and remunerative. Whenever there are public documents which you would like , let me know and I will be glad to send them. Very truly yours , W. J. BRYAN. " "Not for publication. " Election to the senate was of little concern to him. "I can make , " he says , "more money outside of congress .4 than I can here. " The emoluments of his position as attorney for the silver trust were fully as large as the salary of a United States senator. He was a populist at heart but thought a public declaration of the fact would interfere with the performance of his work un der his contract with the silver kings , ' in aiding to elect congressmen pledged to their interests. This brings us down to about the time of Mr. Bryan's nomi nation for the presidency by the amal gamated silver parties. His career since that time is quite familiar to all. ADVERTISING. In one of the eastern colleges they used to tell about a Japanese student who was chosen by his class to make an address to one of their professors , in presenting him with a cane or some such testimonial. The Jap expressed their common appreciation of the professor's efforts , and told him that his words had been manure , causing the dormant- seeds of thought in their minds to spring up and bear fruit. It was meant well , but the professor was ill at ease , for he knew others would be amused when they heard of it. In this sense far be it from us to say in any other the efforts of Messrs. Bryan and Smyth to find and destroy trusts in this neighborhood have been as manure , causing a beautiful crop of advertising for Nebraska City and her humble starch manufacturing plant to spring up all over the country. We learn from eastern exchanges the following interesting facts : "The Argo factory was established in 1887 ; it pays $300,000 in wages annually ; it uses 300- 000 bushels of corn every working day in the year ; it consumes a million bush els of corn per year ; it produces $500- 000 worth of starch per annum ; about one -third of the citizens of Nebraska City are stockholders ; it uses 3,000 bushels of corn in a day : it makes 80 tons of starch every 24 hours , besides oatmeal , hominy and other cereal foods , " besides many other curious facts , not at all consistent with the usu ally accepted rules of arithmetic. And this is only the first fruits of Mr. Bryan's benevolent intentions toward our community. In his speech at ' CHOKER'S lATE HinfcWeflt INVESTMENT. thus expressed his felicity that he was opposed by the business men of the country : "I am glad that I have not behind me the trust magnates , for I do not want them to tell me how they elected me and therefore claim that they own me. " Mr. Bryan is of the opinion that a president must feel that he is "owned" by the influences that contribute to his success. How , then , do the American people like the prospect of a president owned by the Tammany "Boss ? "
