Conservative.
" ' "
MORE MUD. !
against the starch
factory at Nebraska Oity , Colonel
Bryan referring for the second or third
time , to the meeting which indignant
citizens had held at the court house the
Saturday previous , said :
"What then was the purpose of the
meeting ? It was for political purposes. "
Colonel Bryan had no cause for mak
ing BO false a statement , except that he
reasoned from introspection. He knew
perfectly well that the prosecution of
the starch works was brought about for
political purposes ; he knew the litiga
tion instituted by Smyth under his
( Bryan's ) direction was entirely parti
san. Looking in upon their own malig
nancy , they presume that it is common
to humanity generally , and therefore
charge that
"The republicans of this town thought
that they could get behind the starch
trust and thus elect men to office whenever
never could be elected in the open. "
Possibly this thought of raising a new
issue and getting behind it was sug
gested by the fact that "Imperialism"
was put up as a new issue stalking
horse behind which the free coinage of
silver , at the ratio of 16 to 1 , was to be
gotten into power. Colonel Bryan
found at the election of 1896 that 16 to-1
advocates could "never be elected to
office 'in the open. ' " Thus , again , the
valorous soldier who never fought a bat
tle , the statesman who never drafted a
statute , the financier who never in
vested a dollar in any industrial or other
plant , the attorney who practiced law
without a client , reasoned from intro
spection. He got behind imperialism
to hide 16-to-l.
Times-H
BRYAN'S DEAL , Jhe
WITH CROKER.ald correspondent
is able to state
authoritatively and of his own knowledge
the following facts concerning this bar
gain which Mr. Stone , representing Mr.
Bryan , made with Mr. Croker :
1. The deal was first discussed in de
tail between Mr. Croker and William J.
Stone when the latter spent a week or
ten days in New York a month ago.
2. Mr. Stone reported Mr. Croker's
terms to Mr. Bryan at a meeting in
Chicago attended by Chairman Jones
and Committeemeu Johnson and Oam-
pau.
8. Upon his return to New York city
with Mr. Bryan's approval of the deal
Mr. Stone opened national headquar
ters there and Mr. Croker began to
raise'a campaign fund and talk for Mr.
Bryan.
4. Mr. Oroker has promised to carry
New York for Mr. Bryan. To do it he
has agreed to raise a campaign fund of
$2,000,000 , and he has promised to give
$100,000 in cash to the democratic na
tional committee.
On his side Mr. Oroker is to receive
the control of all federal patronage in
New York Oity , and ho has the promise
of the secretaryship of the navy for his
bosom friend , former Senator Murphy ,
in the event of Mr. Bryan's election.
G. The sole cause of Mr. Oroker's
recent zeal for Mr. Bryan's election is
the promise he has received of federal
patronage in case of the latter's elec
tion.
If a man knew nothing of the facts in
the deal between Messrs. Croker and
Bryan he would nevertheless have little
difficulty in making up his mind about
the existence of such a deal from the
change that has come over the political
situation in New York Oity in the last
few weeks.
Mr Bryan re-
NEBRASKA CITY
STAKCH WORKS , cently talked
about the starch
factory in his state , which the Nebraska
attorney general is trying to drive out
of business , and he attempted to defend
the action of the state officer and to
maintain the superiority of small cor
porations. He seems to think that
there is a fundamental difference be
tween the corporations doing a big busi
ness and those doing a small business.
The Nebraska Starch Company does
not belong to a trust in the legal sense
of the word. It is the property of a
big starch manufacturing corporation ,
whose business is managed by the offi
cers of that corporation. The attorney
general is trying to prove that the for
mer owners of the local company have
violated a state law in selling their
property to a larger corporation. Mr.
Bryan may have satisfied himself and
his audience , but he did not satisfy any
one who knows what the National
Starch Company is. Combination
is always legal and has always
been permitted , and was never opposed
until men began to charge that what
was harmless for a man owning $100-
000 was a crime when done by a man
owning $10,000,000. The idea which
lies at the basis of much of Bryanism is
that the possession of wealth is a mis
demeanor.
The Bryanite program is , as Abram
S. Hewitt said the other day ,
the revival of the ideas of the
Jacobins of the French revolu
tion , when monopoly was made a
capital offense and when the state fixed
a profit which a merchant or a manu
facturer might make and when the
prices at which commodities were to
be sold were established by law and
producers compelled to sell them at the
fixed prices oven though such a course
involved a loss. The legal prices were
for the good of the state and the citi
zen must be willing to sacrifice himself
for the good of the state if necessary.
The Jacobin program did not produce
that heaven on earth which its advocates
had predicted , and the normal laws of
trade soon forced business into the old
channels under the old principles.
Mr. Bryan ought to know that no
statute law can repeal the law of sup
ply and demand and that it is impossi
ble to enforce any statute which de
prives a man of the right to sell that
which is his own , or which can make
it a crime for a man to buy with his
own money that which is offered for
sale. Brooklyn Eagle , October 2 , 1900.
' ADDING INSUI/T .
TO INJURY.m hls speech at
Nebraska City , on
September 26th , referred to the great
mass meeting of tax-payers , which had
assembled the Saturday evening before
and filled the court house for the pur
pose of protesting against the malicious
assault by the attorney general upon
the starch works here , thus :
"They called this a nonpartisan
meeting. But this is a farce. It
was a political meeting and meant for
no other than political purposes. "
Never before did a public man of note
stand before a community which he and
his party had endeavored to wrong and
so wantonly insult its good judgment ,
its common sense , and impugn its pa
triotism. More than four hundred
names attached to the resolutions
adopted by that meeting give the lie to
Colonel Bryan's statement that it was a ' \
political meeting. " Moreover , their
votes will next month , give the lie to his
statement that it was a "farce. " The
citizens and tax-payers then convened
were in dead earnest. Instead of a
"farce , " they were gathered together
to prevent a tragedy. They were con
voked for the purpose of protecting be
tween 200 and 800 wage-earners and
their families from the malignant par
tisan prosecution of Smyth , Bryan &
Co. Those men , in order to get votes
for doctrines of free silver , populism and
general economic depravity , brought
the action to close the Argo starch fac
tory in Nebraska City to injure the
business interests of the whole commun
ity , and to wreak partisan vengeance
upon the gold bugs who built , control
and operate those works.
Colonel Bryan's
oi °
. rrr
against "mili
tarism" is not rallying to his sup
port the voters of foreign birth in such
vast numbers as his optimistic nature
had led him to believe. The reluctance
of the German-American voter to fall
in line is especially noticeable. He
thinks and reasons just as any other in
telligent being. He is not to be misled
into endorsing hairbrained theories
against which his conscience and judg
ment rebel , in order to avoid dangers
more imaginary than real , remote rather
than immediate. They sensibly look
upon the voluble utterances of the de-