Conservative.
SOUND CURRENCY.
CURRENCY.TIVE publishes
this week a number of special articles
discussing the issues of the campaign
from the standpoint of gold democrats ,
auti-imperialists and German-Ameri
cans. These three classes of voters
represent the independent vote of the
country. All three believe first of all in
a sound currency. If in 1806 n fifty
cent dollar was inimical to the sound
business interests of the country , it is
no less a menace today. If the 16 to 1
candidate was dangerous then ho is just
as dangerous now. His platform is the
sauio , the only difference being that it is
kept from view by the screen of ' 'im
perialism. " Hence the duty of all good
citizens , who believe in sound currency ,
who believe in maintaining the dignity
and integrity of our courts , who believe
in an intelligent and efficient civil
service , is to oppose the sophistries of
populism as they did four years ago.
The question of imperialism is removed
from the campaign for the reason that
both presidential candidates favored
obtaining sovereignty to the Philippines
and thus endorsed the acquisition of
territory by purchase rather than
consent.
In epting
FOUR YEARS AGO. .
democratic nomi
nation for the presidency in 1896 , Mr.
Bryan said , "Now let me ask you to
consider the paramount issue of this
campaign , the money question. " In his
later discussions , he made many direful
prophecies of the calamity that would
result from a continuation of the gold
standard. Every one of these predic
tions proved untrue. In every avenue
of trade , prosperity exists. Interest ,
the reward for capital , has steadily
declined , while wages , the reward for
labor , have been advanced , and all this
has been brought about under the
iniquitous gold standard. With such
unmistakable evidences of prosperity , a
campaign of calamity for 1900 , was un
promising. Hence the necessity for a
new paramount issue. The peerless
prophet of disaster was equal to the
emergency and cleverly substituted the
paramount of "imperialism" for the
discredited paramount of 1896.
In accepting the democratic nomina
tion for the presidency , he lightly dis
missed the money question as a "mere
economic question" and devoted his
entire address to "imperialism. " His
speech was moderate in tone and free
from anything that would tend to
arouse apprehension in the minds of
conservative voters. A few weeks
later , he accepted a nomination from
the populists , and discussed to a consid
erable extent the financial question ,
endorsed all the sophistries of populism ,
the initiative and referendum , govern
ment control and ownership of railroads
and telegraphs and other propositions
essentially socialistic.
What was Mr. Bryan's object in so
varying his style of address ? In the
, , first instance his
A Variable Stylo. ,
purpose was to
appeal to the calm , sober judgment of
intelligent , thinking people by creating
the impression that 16 to 1 was not
involved in the campaign. In his plea
to populists he sought to cater to the
radical element , hence his endorsement
of everything "radicalism" demands.
In the event of his election , if ho is
honest to those to whom he appealed in
his address to democrats , ho must con
strue his triumph not as a vindication
of 16 to 1 but as a rebuke to "imperial
ism. " On the other hand , if he is
honest to his populist adherents he must
regard his election as a triumph of the
populist "paramount , " socialistic legis
lation. Hence if he is honest with
one ho must be dishonest with the
other. Will it bfl safe for either popu
lists or anti-imperialists to aid in the
election of Bryan when the dangers
they would avoid and the good they
would accomplish depend upon the
political dishonesty of the candidate ?
Expansion is an accomplished fact ,
the responsibility for which belongs to
Mr. Bryan as well
Imperialism. _ _ _ _ _ . ,
as Mr. McKmley.
The question is how to best adjust our
selves to the new conditions. Mr.
McKiuley and Mr. Bryan are pledged to
the establishment of a stable govern
ment in the Philippines. Mr. McKiu
ley has placed the establishment of this
government in the hands of a commis
sion , the head of which is one of the
strongest jurists in the country , who
was originally opposed to the acquisition
of the Philippines. Ultimate indepen
dence for the Filipinos is possible under
the plan of either , as soon us the Ameri
can congress sees fit to grant it. Is not
the establishment of this stable govern
ment as secure for the Filipinos if en
trusted to the commission headed by
Judge Taft , who opposed the purchase
of the Philippines , as if left to Bryan
who advocated their purchase ? When
independence is granted under the
former regime it would bo absolute and
unconditional while with the other it
would be nominal under an American
protectorate. One would end our in
terest in and responsibility for the gov
ernment of the islands with the guaranty
of independence while the other would
make our responsibility perpetual. Is
not the maintenance of temporary sov
ereignty to be preferred to perpetual re
sponsibility , minus the right to control ?
If we thus become sponsor for a republic
in the Philippines , would there not be
the same obligation for us to become re
sponsible for every half-baked republic
that may be established in the old world ?
Could we do anything that would more
endanger our peace and security than
this wholesale extension of our inter
national obligations ? Would we not
thus become perpetually involved in all
the strife and dissension of the east
ern hemisphere ? Is it possible to
conceive of a policy that would
necessitate a greater military arma
ment or a larger standing army
than this proposition to become god
father to the world ? Yet this is the
way Mr. Bryan would avoid "militar
ism" and "imperialism. "
Nebraska is
TWIN PRODIGIES.
great in produc
tion. All the cereals flourish in her fer
tile soil and the fruits of her orchards
are superb in coloring , size and luscious-
ness. Nebraska hogs are highest priced
in all swine markets and the "export
cattle" from this tree-planting state are
yearned for in London and Paris by all
the rich gourmands of those beef-de
vouring centers. All commodities made
in Nebraska from raw products therein
produced are taken with alacrity and
voracity throughout the markets of the
globe.
Nebraska beet sugar is superb. Grand
Island and Norfolk have been made ac
quainted with all the world by its man
ufacture.
By thousands of tons of quail oats
and superfine flour of Indian maize the
Nebraska Oity Cereal Mills have called
the attention of cultivated consumers of
corn meal and oat meal all the world
over to the clean , wholesome and tooth
some nutriments which the phosphates
of Nebraska soil evolve. And the Argo
starch is in all the markets from London
to Hong Kong proclaiming the produc
tivity of Nebraska soil , capital , pluck
and honest dealing. But in addition to all
these gross and materialistic triumphs
the state has pro-
A Pair. , , .
duced a pair of
twin orators , twin statesmen , twin
emotionalists. They are named Bryan
and Thurston. The former became
famous as the advocate of the silver
mine and bullion owners combine in
1892. He was allegedly then the paid
attorney of a tremendous trust , the'
purpose of which was to enhance the
price of silver by legislation. The
scheme which Bryan and his coparceners
advanced was to make United States
mints freely coin silver in quantities
without end into 412 } < j grain silver del
lars. Thus by law Bryan proposed to
raise silver bullion to double the price
which the relation of supply to demand
would place upon it. This prominent
prodigy , this young Napoleon in state
craft continued the attorney and advo
cate of the silver trust in Congress and
out of Congress and by it was made a
candidate for the presidency in 1806 , and
for it and by it and in the interests of
silver again nominated in 1000 for that
high office. And no populist , no f asion-
ist , no vagarist of all the varieties of
