13be Conservative.
bo , free and independent. ' If that were
true , then , unquestionably of the Filipi
nos , who had conquered their entire
domain with the exception of a single
city , who hndan established and orderly
government , who had a capital with a
parliament of whom more than one-fifth
were graduates of European universities ,
and who deserved special consideration
because of their having bravely fought
in co-operation with our own troops , it
could have been said with a thousand
fold more force and more truth , that
'they are , and of right ought to be , free
and independent. '
Responsibility for our Agents.
"On June 80 , General Anderson sailed
into Manila harbor with the first con
tingent of land troops. The next day
he had an interview with Aguinaldo.
Ho writes : 'Whether Admiral Dewey
and Consuls Pratt , Wildmau and Wil
liams did or did not give Aguinaldo
assurances that a Filipino government
would bo recognized , the Filipinos cer
tainly thought so , probably inferring
this from their acts rather than from
their statements. '
"Within a few days , Auguinaldo call
ed on General Anderson. He had begun
to grow suspicions of our designs. Gen
eral Anderson makes this statement :
" 'Aguinaldo asked if we , the North
Americans , as he called us , intended to
hold the Philippines as dependencies. I
said I could not answer that , but that
in 120 years we had established no cole
nies. He then made this remarkable
statement : 'I have studied attentively
the constitution of the United States ,
and I find in it no authority for colonies ,
and I have no fear. ' It may seem that
my answer was somewhat evasive , but
I was at the time trying to contract
with the Filipinos for horses , carts , fuel
and forage. '
"Isit not a shameful record ? Five
representatives of this great , proud
nation had , by word or implication , led
the Filipinos to believe they were fight
ing for their independence. By virtue
of such belief they fought with us side
by side , as Dewey said , 'against a com
mon enemy. ' The president and the
state department had been fully ac
quainted for a period of over three
months with the national beliefs and
hopes of the Filipinos , yet took no steps
to undeceive them. Is not an honorable
nation , like an honorable man bound by
its agents ? And especially , if it has full
knowledge of the assurances given and
has abundance of time in which to rec
tify such assurances if they are false ,
would not its long maintained silence
constitute acquiescence in the ratifica
tion of its agents' actions ? And if , still
further , the nation accepted valuable
services from the deceived parties , even
to the risking of their lives and their
property , would it not , in the forum law
and of conscience , be forever estopped
from making denial of the agents' au
thority ?
All Lett to McKinloy.
"After the outbreak we naturally
looked to congress to declare the nation's
purpose. Under full republican control
congress basely refused to announce any
policy. The war , with steadily growing
dimensions , continued during the sum
mer and autumn of last year. In De
cember congress re-convened. The pres
ident's message speaks of 'the sinister
ambition of a few leaders of the
rebellion , ' and says :
" 'From the earliest moment no oppor
tunity was lost of assuring the people of
the islands of our ardent desire for their
welfare and of the intention of this
government to do everything possible to
advance their interests. ' How much
this reminds us of the message of
George III , when speaking of the Amer
ican revolutionists , he says : 'I am de
sirous of restoring to them the blessings
of law and liberty equally enjoyed by
every British subject , which they have
fatally and desperately exchanged for
the calamities of war and the arbitrary
tyranny of their chiefs. ' "
"During the six mouths' session con
gress continuously refused to intervene ,
sanctioning our Philippine policy by
implication , and leaving to the president
perfect freedom or policy of action. Is
not this extraordinary ? Is it not almost
incredible ? The greatest of Americans
from Washington down have pro
nounced against the dangers of distant
possessions ; the sainted Gladstone coun
selled us against them ; the truest
friends that America has in England
today James Bryce , Henry Labouchere
and John Morley have warned us of
the perils and the evils of a colonial
policy. Every great English historian
Macauley , Freeman , Froude all have
declared its folly , its wrong and its
elements of danger. Oar whole history
and the very spirit of our institutions
are opposed to it. As our historian , Ban
croft , says : "The words 'sovereign' and
'subject' are unknown to the constitu
tion. There is no place for princes with
unlimited power , or conquering cities ,
or feudal chiefs , or privileged aristoc
racies , ruling absolutely with their cor
relative vassars or subjects. ' Neverthe
less , under the influences of that politi
cal 'thrift which follows fawning' and
of what a distinguished writer on our
institutions has called 'the fatalism of
the multitude , ' this great American
nation of seventy-five million souls , in
an untried , adventurous 'policy wholly
violative of our traditions and ideals-
has been content to follow the leader
ship of this 'unerring master of eco
nomic problems' who has never been
permanently right on any great public
question , who was a pronounced 'free
silver' advocate five years before his
election , who championed the most
shameful financial legislation that ever
disgraced our statutes , who said in
December , 1897 , forcible annexation was
a crime and committed the orimo in
December , 1808 , and who in December ,
1899 , declared that free trade in Porto
Rico was 'a plain duty' and then made
a discount of 15 per cent , on plain duty
within three mouths thereafter !
American Sympathize .
"Chairman Wolcott tells us : 'If it
were not for the hope held out to Aguin
aldo by American sympathizers , the in
surrection in the Philippines would long
ago have ended. ' Thank God for that ,
if it be true ! Wrong , oppression , and
tyranny have always hated critics.
When we were fighting for our own
liberties , a few noble Englishmen stood
out in advocacy of our rights. Of these
Lord Mansfield said in the House of
Lords :
' ' 'I am far from bearing any ill-will
to the Americans. * * * I dare say
their heat will soon bo over , when they
come to feel a little the consequences of
the opposition of the legislature. An
archy always cures itself ; but the fer
ment will continue so much the longer
while hot-headed men there find that
there are persons of weight and character -
actor to support and justify them hero. '
"And Mr. Grenville declared in par
liament :
1' 'The seditious spirit of the colonies
owes its birth to the factions in this
house. We were told we trod on tender
ground ; we were bid to expect disobe
dience. What was this but telling
Americans to stand out against the law ,
to encourage their obstinacy with the
expectation of support from here ? Let
us only hold out a little , they would
say ; our friends will soon be in power. '
"Let us remember that today , not
only in America , but oven in old Eng
land and throughout the civilized world ,
the treasured names are not those of
Grenville , of Mansfield and of North ,
but of those men who loved their coun
try too well to defend its iniquity , and
whose memories are therefore wreathed
in imperishable glory , the names of
Burke , of Fox and of Chatham.
' sentiments I declare
Voicing my own ,
clare that , if need be , I shall fight this
Philippine crime BO long as lifo shall
last. The crisis presents the alternative
between national self restraint and jus
tice , which shall lift us to a higher plane
of civilization , and national lust and
oppression , which will soil and corrupt
the very soul of the republic. It is the
choice between the imperialistic spirit
of Napoleon , who taught 'everything
for the people , but nothing by the people
ple , ' and the republican spirit of Lin
coln , who said that 'government of the
people , by the people and for the people ,
shall not perish from the earth. ' Real
izing the countless blessings , which God
has so lavishly poured on this race of
American freemen , reverently crossing
the threshold of the new century , we