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8
THK DUTY OF ANTI-IMPK'RIALJSTS.
Mr. Geo. P. Oanfiehl of New York , in
n letter to the Now York Evening Post ,
thus points out the duty of anti-imper
ialists :
How should the anti-imperialists express -
press their opposition to the present for
eign policy of the republican party ?
There are three possible courses. They
may nominate a third ticket ; they may
endorse Bryan and vote directly for
him , or , remaining neutral , as between
McKiuley and Bryan ; they may throw
their strength into the congressional
elections.
The experience of the last quarter of a
century furnishes the strongest possible
evidence against the advisability of
nominating nil independent ticket. With
the single exception of the year 1892 ,
when the populists , largely on account
of the financial distress and discontent
in the South and far West , polled more
than 1,000,000 votes , third tickets have
received only an insignificant fraction
of the total vote , running from less than
80,000 in 1872 to about 800,000 in 1880 ,
and receiving since 1880 only about half
so much , and in 1896 less than 188,000.
Imperialism cannot touch the masses as
the poverty and discontent in the agri
cultural districts in the South and far
West touched them in 1892. It is a new
issue , and the dangers and evils which
it is claimed are involved in it will ap
pear remote , whatever they may in fact
be , while the other issues involved in
the election of a president this year ,
directly affect the vital personal inter
ests and welfare of every voter.
Imperialism not Paramount Issue.
Imperialism , therefore , cannot in the
presidential contest of this year receive
a fair hearing , for it cannot be the
paramount issue , whatever platform or
politician may say about it , or whatever
the sincere enthusiast may desire it to
be , and there is no reasonable ground
for thinking that an independent ticket
representing this issue , could poll more
than 100,000 votes. Surely such a vote
as this would not be an advantage to
the cause. It would not furnish a basis
for the growth of a new political party ,
and so far from arresting any tendency
towards imperialism on the part of the
republican party , it would quicken and
stimulate it. If , however , I am mis
taken in this , and it were possible for
the anti-imperialists to poll a large vote
for an independent ticket , then this plan
is objectionable , as it would diminish the
chances of an overwhelming defeat for
Bryan , and might possibly result in
electing him.
If the plan of an independent ticket is
rejected , what is to be said in favor of
endorsing Bryan and voting directly for
him ? Consider for a moment what is
involved in the election of a president.
The duties of the president and his cab
inet are principally administrative , a
fact which is often lost sight of in the
heat and excitement of our presidential
campaigns. They have to conduct the
general business of the government , to
enforce the laws and to carry into effect
the domestic and foreign policy of the
country as established by the senate and
coufress. The president can also by
virtue of his veto power prevent legisla
tion , and if the senate or congress are in
sympathy with him , he can exert influ
ence in getting affirmative legislation.
If , however , the senate or congress are
opposed to him , his influence upon leg
islation is merely negative. The presi
dent can also , so far as he has opportu
nities , make up appointments to the su
preme court and affect the character of
that supreme tribunal , one of the best
safeguards of our rights and liberties.
The thing to consider , then , in the
choice of president , is his fitness and
that of those with whom he is likely to
surround himself for these functions and
powers , and we should vote primarily
with these essential things in view
rather than , losing sight of them as so
often happens in this country , to rebuke
somebody to whom we may bo opposed ,
or to protest against a policy or tendency
which we may consider dangerous. Es
pecially should we not vote for purposes
of rebuke or protest , if the man for
whom we are asked to vote is entirely
unfit to be intrusted with the powers
and duties of the office , and if there is
any other v ay than by voting for him
in which such a rebuke may be admin
istered and such a protest made.
Incompetent Cabinet.
Most of the anti-imperialists would , I
suppose , admit that Bryan and his cab
inet would in all probability make a
fearful mess of it. Substantially all
the men of character , experience , and
ability have been driven from the Bry-
anized Democracy , and it is certain that
the whole civil service of the country
would be demoralized and the general
business of the country , the depart
ments at Washington the postoffices ,
custom houses , and internal revenue
offices , would be woefully mismanaged.
Bryan's Secretary of the Treasury
would , of course , be opposed to the gold
standard , and it is now believed by some
that he could , unaided , not only with
out the consent of any foreign country ,
but also without the consent of our own ,
force us to a silver basis ; and if he
could , there is no doubt he would do it ,
unless , indeed , he should be deterred by
the fearful panic which would probably
result from the mere threat of such
action. The Attorney General would
be opposed to government by injunction
and would threaten with impotent rage
the large industrial enterprises , and
under his administration we should
have to submit to fire , riot , and a gen
eral assault upon the business interests
of the country.
Uryaii u Menace.
And Bryan himself , what a menace
ho would be to our institutions and to
everything most valued in our civiliza
tion ! In speaking before the populists
in Nebraska lost week , where , by the
way , the democrats and populists have
become one , the populists being that
one , Bryan said : "I thank you for the
support which you have given me , and
tell yon that I do not take it to myself
at all. I know that those who have
been so loyal , where I have been per
sonally concerned , would turn against
me in a moment if I were to abandon
those things which have made them
have confidence in me. " This shows
why Bryan was so firm in insisting upon
the specific declaration in favor of 16 to
1. He knew that if that specific decla
ration were not made , he would lose 1- ,
000,000 votes , and it was the fear of the
loss of those votes , not his conscientious
devotion to his convictions , which made
him so firm. The presence of that dec
laration in the platform is conclusive
evidence that the populists have seized
control of the machinery of the demo
cratic organization , and Bryan's relent
less advocacy of it shows that he wears
the yoke of populism. Ho will never
have the courage to resist its demands ,
for he knows that if he should its fol
lowers would turn and rend him in u
moment. On the contrary , he would
use all the patronage and influence of
his office to secure legislation favored by
them. The plan of endorsing Bryan ,
therefore , is to be rejected even more
emphatically than that of a third ticket ,
and this conclusion , it seems to me ,
must be accepted by everyone having a
due sense of the relative value of things ,
even if there were no other way of
expressing one's dissent from the policy
of imperialism.
Elect a Congress Opposed to Imperialism.
There is , however , another way of
expressing such dissent ; in fact , the
only proper and logical way for the
anti-imperialists to make their influence
felt in this campaign is to throw their
strength into the congressional elections.
The present foreign policy of the repub
lican party is not of McKinley's making.
It is not he , but the senate and house of
representatives who are responsible for
it. It is the senate , which , with Bryan's
aid adopted the treaty under which we
accepted the sovereignty over the Phil
ippines. It is the senate and the house
of representatives which refused to
adopt a resolution declaring that the
sovereignty was accepted in trust for the
Filipinos and to be exercised with a
view to their ultimate independence ,
and it is congress which , after a winter's
debate , declined to define our policy in
.the Philippines , and left the whole mat
ter in the president's hands. Under
these circumstances McKinley is doing
only what it is his duty to do and what
Bryan himself would have to do until
the policy of the government had been
changed by the action of congress.
