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Ainericaus very well ; was certain they
would not fight ; they would never dnre
to face an English army ; and that they
did not possess any of the qualifications
necessary to make a good soldier ; lie
repeated many of their commonplace
expressions ; ridiculed their enthusiasm
in religion , and drew a disagreeable
picture of their manners and ways of
living. " The speech produced much
mirth in the house and obtained implicit
credit from the majority. As a writer
says : "The pusillanimity of the
provincials served as an enlivening
topic for the circles of fashion , and the
clubs of the coffee-houses , as well as for
the august body of parliament. "
Gloomy Prophecy.
Let us now , as touching the present
predictions concerning the Filipinos ,
read some of the prophecies concerning
our own nation. Josiah Tucker , dean
of Glocester , was one of the ablest
writers on political economy of his
time. It is no belittlomeut to the mem
bers of the Philippine commission to say
that Dean Tucker far outranked them
on the intellectual side. In 1781 he
wrote :
"As to the future grandeur of Amer
ica , and its being a rising empire under
one head , whether republican or monarchial -
archial , it is one of the idlest and most
visionary notions that was ever con
ceived by writers of romance. The
mutual antipathies and clashing interests
of the Americans , their difference of
governments , habitudes and manners ,
indicate that they will have no center
of union and no common interest. They
never can be united into one compact
empire under any species of government
whatever ; a disunited people until the
end of time , suspicious and distrustful
of each other , they will bo divided and
subdivided into little commonwealths
and principalities , according to the
natural boundaries , by great bays of the
sea , and by vast rivers , lakes and ridges
of mountains.
The moment a separation takes effect ,
intestine quarrels will begin ; for it is
well known that the seeds of discord
and dissension between province and
province are now ready to shoot forth ;
and that they are only kept down by
the present combination of all the
colonies against us , whom they un
happily fancy to be their common
enemy. When , therefore , this object of
their hatred shall bo removed by declara
tion on our part , that , so far from
usurping all authority , we , from hence
forward , will assume none at all against
their own consent , the weaker provinces
will entreat our protection against the
stronger ; and the less cautious against
the more crafty and designing ; so that
in short , in proportion as their factious
republican spirit shall intrigue and
cabal , shall split into parties , divide and
sub-divide , in the same proportion , shall
we be called in to become their umpires
and referees. "
Union Could Not Exist ,
*
Frederick the Great can also , no
doubt , be favorably compared with the
members of the Philippine commission ,
so far as judgment and prescience are
concerned. In 1782 he told the British
minister that "he was persuaded the
American Union could not long subsist
under its present form. The great ex
tent of country would alone be a suffi
cient obstacle , since a republican
government had never been known to
exist for any length of time where the
territory was not limited and concen
trated. It would not be more absurd to
propose the establishment of a democ
racy to govern the whole country from
Brest to Riga. No inference could be
drawn from the states of Venice , Hol
land and Switzerland , of which the
situation and circumstances were
perfectly different from those of the
colonies. "
In the light of the falsification of such
prophecies should not fair-minded me n
liesitate to deny to the Filipinos the
possibilities of self-government ? Is it
seemly that a republic should harbor the
presumption that a race , which , against
giant odds , has bravely sealed its aspira
tion for independence with the blood
and lives of thousands and thousands ,
cannot succeed in governing itself ?
Would such a presumption ever have
lifted its noxious head in our midst if it
had not been conceived and nursed by
the demons of greed and military am
bition ? Let us , in the light of our own
history , not set bounds to the possibilities
of a people who , under the light and
inspiration of freedom , are willing to
work out their own destiny ! As
Washington said , "Liberty , when it
begins to take root , is a plant of rapid
growth. "
English Sympathy.
Today we revere the memory of those
Englishmen who , despite the enraged
feeling and clamor of their time , pro
claimed the justice of the American
cause. Our blood tingles when we read
courageous , elevated expressions like
the following :
1 'I wish from the bottom of my heart
that the Americans may resist and get
the better of the forces sent against
them. " Duke of Richmond , 1774.
"Were I an American I would resist
to the last drop of my blood. " Lord
Oamden , 1774.
1 'I am an American in my principles
and wish you would let them alone to
govern and misgovern themselves , as
they think proper. " David Hume ,
1775.
"If we were reduced to the dilemma
of conquering or abandoning America
I am.f America. ' '
or abandoning . Charles
James Fox , 1776.
"If I were an American , as I am an
Englishman , while a foreign troop was
landed in my country , I never would
ay down my arms ; never , never ,
never ! " Earl of Chatham , 1778.
Have we sunk so low , and are we so
enslaved by party spirit and by our
petty , selfish considerations , that those
patriotic voices of the past speak to us
in vain ? Most men who have pondered
on the history of nations will agree with
Franklin when he said : "The longer I
Ivo the more convincing proofs I see
that God governs in the affairs of men. "
God is not dead.
This nation cannot sin with impunity.
As Jefferson says : "I tremble for my
country when I reflect that God is just ,
and that his justice cannot sleep for
ever. " This is an hour which calls for
independent thinking , independent act
ing men , and which , under the strain
of a national crisis , is shifting the states
men from political puppets , the patriot
from frothy party declaimers , and the
lover of mankind from the apostles of
national greed.
As I have spoken mainly with the
tongue of others , may I close with the
noble words written by Edmund Burke
in 1775 :
"All this , I know well enough , will
sound wild and chimerical to the pro
fane herd of those vulgar and mechani
cal politicians who think that nothing
exists but what is gross and material ;
and who , therefore , far from being
qualified to be directors of the great
movement of empire , are not fit to turn
a wheel in the machine. But these
ruling and master principles are in truth
everything and all in all. Magnanimity
in politics is not seldom the truest wis
dom ; and a great empire and little
minds go ill together. If we are con
scious of our situation , and glow with
zeal to fill our places as becomes our
station and ourselves , we ought to
elevate our minds to the greatness of
that trust to which the order of Provi
dence has called us. " By adverting to
the dignity of this high calling , our
ancestors have turned a savage wilder
ness into a glorious empire , and have
made the only honorable conquests by
promoting the wealth , the number , and
the happiness of the human race. "
Louis R. EHRIOH.
Colorado Springs , May 5 , 1899.
Springfield Republican.
THE TEACHINGS OF NATURE.
At this season of the year , when
nature revives so beautifully and we
behold so many surprising adaptations
indicating to the ordinary observer , or
to the more careful student , evidences
of design , wo cannot wonder that dur
ing past centuries , and even up to our
own times , the teleological argument
has seemed satisfactory and indeed , ir
refutable. The numerous volumes of
the Bridgewater treatises all endeavor
to elucidate this phase of opinion. It is
an inspiring thought to consider all
things working together for good , and as
