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About The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902 | View Entire Issue (May 24, 1900)
"Che Conservative. THE GOVEUNMENT OF DEPENDEN CIES. Theodore S. Woolsoy , professor of international law , Yale University , in an address before the annual meeting of the American Academy of Political and Social Science , April 7th , 1899 , discussed the principles obtaining in the govern ment of dependencies. Dependencies are governed either as property from which an income is to be derived or as a trust to be adiniuis- terediu the interests of the inhabi tants. The British colonial system is an example of the latter. The dependencies of Great Britain have been given self-government and un restricted trade. In the main the government has been administered not to put money direct in the treasury of the crown but to build up prosperous and contented colonies. The result has been most satisfactory as indicated by the loyalty displayed by the colonial troops in the South African war. This is proof of the mutual attachment exist ing between the colonies and the mother country. The profit to England accrues from the extension of trade and the enlarged opportunities afforded the sur plus youth of the country. Spain is an example of the folly of governing a people exclusively for revenue. It has alienated nearly all of her colonial possessions. The treaty of Paris has enlarged our responsibilities and extended our sphere of government. The new dependencies may be divided into two classes : First , those placed under our sovereignty. Second , those placed under our protec tion. Cuba is an example of the latter. Spain merely relinquished sovereignty but did not grant it to us. It remains in obeyauce with reversion to the Cubans themselves. The treaty acknowledges that the island is "to be occupied" by the United States. This government assumes the responsibility of Cuba's conduct until satisfied of its pacification. To accomplish this we must have ex clusive power in Cuba's foreign affairs. In domestic concerns this power must be shared with the Cubans themselves so as to gradually fit them for indepen dence , either in our union or separately. Military occupation is necessary to insure police protection , establish order and bring about a revival of the pursuits of peace. This should be accomplished by the formation of a legislature to control the internal affairs of the island , subject to the veto of the representative of the United States. Control of FraiichlseB. "All franchises , " says Mr. Woolsey , "should be in the hands of the native local authorities ; the execution of the laws should be entrusted to native elected officers ; the courts to judge causes under the local law should be Cuban also. We protect Cuba from outside aggression , and by veto from her own iuexperieuce and folly , and prevent acts of hostility to ourselves. But the revenues of the island , after paying for the maintenance of our sol diers so long as they are necessary and of our few necessary officials , must be spent for her own benefit. This is a protectorate. Whether the issue of the protectorate is independence , or , as many believe , annexation , the process of education , of pacification , is the same. It consists , in a word , in "granting as much control over internal affairs as the inhabitants are able to bear. And we must so regulate their duties and revenue laws and commercial rights , as to give them a prosperous life , even at our own cost , that is , if we wish the experiment to turn out well. " Porto Hico and the Philippine * . The case of Porto Rico and the Philip pines is different. This is ceded ter ritory. We are bound by constitutional limitations in the government of it. There are , too , marked climatic , social , racial , and geographical differences between Porto Rico and the Philippines. The principles of government applicable to the former would be wholly uusuited to the other. "When congress sees fit to legislate , " he said , "the government of Porto Rico should be laid as largely as possible upon its own people. Military rule should not be necessary , and a carpet bag system would produce results which we can pretty definitely forecast. Native officials , a native legislature , the exist ing laws and municipal regulations should be the starting point. * * * An education in the art of self-govern ment is what we aim at giving , unless our policy and our professions are alike disregarded. " The Philippines are very remote and belong to the Asiatic group. They are on the whole peopled by savages , in capable of self-government , who must be ruled by force. The Philippines are certain to be a heavy burden and their cession a vulnerable point in the treaty. "That treaty , " he said , "is now ratified and we must make the best of it. " British rule in India affords us a model. So far as practical , the government is administered through native officials , whose ability is tested by competitive examination. The civil service is splendidly organized and is open to the British youth by competition. Tenure of office is dependent upon good be havior , with promotion as a reward for faithful service. Young men are thus taught to make a study of the business of governing dependent races. A major ity of the minor civil offices are filled by natives- ; the higher positions by Eu ropeans. To sum up the results of British rule in India : It has kept the peace , pre served order , built roads , railroads and irrigation works , brought justice to the humblest , lessened famine and petilence , introduced state education , sanitation and dispensaries , freed trade from many burdens , simplified taxation , and lias begun to introduce local self-govern ment. The imperial revenue is drawn chiefly from salt and opium monopolies and from the laud tax ; its expenditure , excluding capital or construction ac count , is about equal to its income. Much of the British system is appli cable to the Philippines. We nmst practice religious tolerance. We must govern them with a firm hand and at the same time educate them to a meas ure of self-government which in time they will bo able to undertake them selves. We must be guided by justice and good faith. We must have a per manent civil service with higher ideals than mere personal advantage. But , how carry out this plan under our present constitutional limitations ? "The moment congress begins to legis late for the Philippines , " said Professor Woolsey , "and establishes there a civil government , whether on the lines above indicated or upon any others , that moment the constitutional guarantees begin to work. * * * " Owing to the inferior character of the people , their low standard of intelligence , their aversion to social order , a civil government , with the constitutional guarantees going with it , would mean chaos. A government , to succed there , must be based upon force. A military government is therefore the only one possible. It has its constitutional basis in the fact that the United States is re sponsible for the maintenance of justice and order , the defence of its territory and the protection of the rights of its subjects. This duty is in this hands of congress under the right to establish "needful rules and " regulations" respect ing territory. Pending action by con gress , however , it is in the hands of the president as commander-iu-chief of the army and navy. The law applicable would be simply the will of the presi dent , executed by his personal represen tatives , the officers of the army. While this is not an ideal method , it is the only one practicable. POPULISM IN THE SADDLE. In 1896 the Democratic party nomina ted for president a man essentially a populist , and adopted a platform which was largely a restatement of populist views as these had been expressed by the people's party in 1892. Four years ago , however , the democrats at least en joyed the poor privilege of holding their convention first , and seeing the populists accept a candidate whom they them selves had already named. But this year populism is in the saddle , and by the action taken in its national conven tion at Sioux Falls the other day it has put the historic old party in a position of absolute subordination to a uou- I 1