Conservative. ii
controlled ; or the product of all foreign
producers must bo shut out from the
markets of this country. The first result
is not attainable. It would bo obviously
impracticable to induce all the manu
facturers of starch , for example , in all
the different countries of Europe , to
unite and put the control of their busi
ness in the hands of trustees residing in
the United States. The second is made
not only possible , but effective in the
highest degree , by the imposition of
tariffs , or duties , on the importation of
the articles in which the trusts are
especially interested , so high as to com
pletely bar them out of the American
market. These duties the MoKinley
Tariff Act provides. ( The Diugley Tar
iff reoimcted or increased them. Ed. )
It thus becomes the creator and the
preserver of trusts and monopolies , the
like of which cannot and do not exist
under the tariff system of Great Britain ,
as the Starch Trust , Pinto and Window
Glass Trust , Nail Trust , Linseed Oil
Trust , Lead Trust , Cotton Bagging
Trust , Borax Trust , Ax , Saw and Scythe
Trust , Cracker , Oako and Biscuit Trust ,
Rubber Boot and Shoe Trust , and many
others ; all of which , freed from foreign
competition , are advancing prices to
American consumers to an extent that
will afford them from fifty to one hun
dred per cent more profit than can be
fairly considered as legitimate , but in
which profits their employees do not par
ticipate. There are more than one hun
dred trusts in the United States that
could have no existence except for the
high duties that have been enacted or
kept on , in order to maintain and pro
tect them. How did your representa
tive in the last Congress vote ?
Did he vote for the Salt Trust , pro
tected and alone made capable of
existence by the duty of from 44 to 85
per cent ?
Did he vote for the Window Glass
Trust , with a protection of from 120 to
185 per cent ?
Did he vote for the Linseed Oil Trust ,
with a protection of over 90 per cent ?
Did he vote for the White Lead Trust ,
with a protection of 75 per cent ?
Did he vote for the Starch Trust , with
a protection of over 90 per cent ?
Did he vote for the Steel Trust , with
a protection running from 40 to 115 per
cent ?
And so of all the other trusts pro
tected by the tariff and especially by
the McKiuloy Bill , ( and the Diugloy
Bill. Ed. ) Look them up , and if you
find that your representative voted for
such an imposition of taxes as alone
permits them to exist , make him explain
why he did so.
DAVID A. WELLS.
HEREDITY AND HUMAN PROGRESS
Since the future of the human race
depends on the kind of people that are
born into the world , such books as that
by Dr. Duncan MoKirn , bearing the
above title , in which the question of
what people should bo allowed to be
) orn is investigated , must be of the
lighest interest. Wo would bo glad ,
sometime in the near future , to review
more carefully than wo can do at present
ihis thoughtful and courageous book.
The problem that lies at the root of it
s one which is more and more engaging
; he attention of people of intelligence ;
but the great difficulty , that of bringing
to practical application the reforms
which it is easy to demonstrate to be
desirable , wo hardly think has been
solved by this author with more success
by his predecessors in this line of
research.
Doctor McKirn confronts his question
squarely , and goes direct to the core of
it ; he recommends "a gentle , painless
death" for all such members of the race
as are palpably unfit to bo represented
in the coming generations by descend
ants of their own. As such he would
rank idiots , imbeciles , epileptics , habitual
drunkards , nocturnal housebreakers ,
most murderers , and insane , incorrigible
and very dangerous criminals , whatever
their offense. He brings mauy things
up for our consideration in connection
with the enormous taking of life which
this plan would entail. Among them is
this , for example ; every year some
14,000 murders are committed. Which
were better , to have these 14,000 execu
tions performed haphazard , as at present ,
and often by the worst of men upon the
best , or to have them dealt out deliber
ately by society in accordance with
some definite plan , wisely calculated to
promote the greatest good of the greatest
number ?
As to the great question , that of the
mode of selecting the victims , Doctor
MoKirn has devised a way which at first
sight seems plausible enough ; he would
take only ' * the very weak and the very
vicious who fall into the hands of the
state , for maintenance , reformation or
punishment , " thus practising a kind of
skimming process upon such unfortu
nates as are brought to the surface by
systems already in operation in every
community. But when looked at more
closely this seems not so simple a matter
either , but only a throwing of the re
spousibility upon other shoulders. For
what one of our minor magistrates or
tribunals , such as now consign men and
women to the penal or reformatory
institutions in question , would operate
so freely if such consignment were in
effect a sentence of death ?
AN EXTRAVAGANT ADMINISTRA
TION.
The American people hardly realize
what an inordinate expenditure of
money has taken place under the Mo
Kinley administration. Wo cannot do
a better service to the public interest
than to put the facts in cold figures. In
making a comparison of the national ex
penditures under different administra-
ions , it is necessary to reckon by fiscal
years , for although the president conies
nto power on March 4 , and the fiscal
year does not begin till July 1 , the in-
; erval properly belongs to the financial
record of the outgoing president. Thus
the expenditures which are fairly
hargeable to the policy of President
McKiuloy start on July 1 , 1897 , at the
opening of what is officially known as
the fiscal year 1898 , and run to April
1 , 1900 , that being the latest date covered
by the monthly returns. This is a
period of two years and nine months , or
iwo and three-quarters fiscal years. In
that period the national expenditures
liavo been as follows :
riSCATj VEAIt. KXPENDITUUFS.
1808 . . $ .138,810,214 54
1809 . . 005,072,170.85
1000 ( nine months ) , . 872,801,882.05
Total . . $1,110,753,277.34
Of these enormous expenditures ,
$598,285,101.64 has been for the army
and navy , $20,000,000 for the Philippine
indemnity , $893,706,227.85 for pensions ,
and $108,906,885.60 for interest , an
aggregate outlay of $1,115,957,264.65 for
old and new wars in the short space of
two years and nine months.
Of this money , $1,276,445,547.98 was
obtained by taxation , $72,000,169.68 was
received from payments on account of
debts due by the Pacific railroads , and
the balance , $68,807,559.78 , formed part
of the proceeds of the $200,000,000 war
loan , the remainder of that loan , on
which the government is paying interest
at the rate of 8 per cent per annum ,
being substantially held on deposit by
the national banks free of interest.
Boston Herald.
NO M.ACI : IN HISTORY.
Mr. Bryan is "doing" the Pacific
northwest states. He is making many
speeches , but is getting small attention.
The reason is that he is not a thinker.
His speech is chaff. Nothing he is say
ing or ever has said will be remembered.
His speeches will have no place in the
history of our literature on statesman
ship. Who will bo quoting Mr. Bryan
fifty years hence , or who except the
special student of our politics will know
that he over existed ? He is contribu
ting nothing to the sum of human knowl
edge. All he says is merely superficial ,
and only darkens counsel. He has ready
and easy speech , but never goes to the
bottom of anything , and what he says
is not for propagation of "truth that
lives to perish never , " but is uttered
merely for the temporary interests or
purposes of personal and party politics.
Men 'of sound thought and rational pur
pose are not with him. He presents
nothing that appeals to them. They see
nothing in him but multifarious super
ficiality. This is the country's estimate
of Mr. Bryan. Portland Oregonian.