The Conservative.
Those who recall
HANK DEPOSITS.
call the clirefnl
predictioiis , made by the populist candi
date for the presidency in 1800 , of the
calamity that would result from a con
tinuation of the gold standard , will
doubtless be most agreeably surprised to
note the following statement of the
amount of money in Otoe county. The
deposits of ton banks of the county , in
cluding the four banks of Nebraska
City , on April 12 , 189G , amounted to
$875,000. As a result of the iniquitous
gold standard they are today $1,712,000 ,
almost doubled in four years. "What is
true of Otoe county applies to the entire
state and country as shown by the re
port of the state banking board and the
statement of the comptroller of the
currency.
The largest results
BIG TRUST
DIVIDEND. sults from the
smallest invest
ment are declared by the candidature
trust. Boss Bryan has invested less
cash and more wind in this concern
than any other one man on earth. But
his dividends are the biggest. Watered
stock does not begin to pay like winded
stock. Water cannot compete with
wind. The latter gets sixteen dollars
while the former gets only one.
For six years Boss Bryan has made
splendid statements of the profits upon
wind. "The First Battle" is com
pressed air as a money motor. And the
constant campaign of Boss Bryan , from
1896 to 1000 , involving tens of thousands
of miles of travel , sixteen hundred and
eleven recitations upon "trusts , " " 16 to
1 , " "imperialism , " has made coin out of
candidature with more facility than the
mint can make it out of metal.
There is no watered stock extorting
such tremendous profits as those which
are evolved from the wind and words of
Bryan stock in the candidature trust.
Neither Rockefeller nor any other
alleged plutocrat on the face of this
earth has taken as much money from
the plain people and given them so little
in return.
On the 81st of
TREATIES AND
CONVENTIONS. January , 1900 ,
there appeared in
the Nebraska State Journal an editorial
entitled "The Uitlauder's Allegiance , "
from which the following paragraph
is taken entire :
"The very fact that the agreement
between the British government and the
Transvaal republic was definitely termed
a 'convention' and not a 'treaty' shows
that a British subject could even be a
member of the Transvaal government
without renouncing allegiance to his
queen. Had it been called a treaty it
would have been an agreement between
two sovereign powers. Let us not mix
these things for the sake of argument. "
The writer of the above asserts that
the term "convention" is used only be-
tween nations of different ranks or
standing ; that its use indicates that one
of the contracting parties is inferior to
and subject to the other. The editorial
in question has been received by the
republican press and statesmen without
question and must bo accepted as good
republican doctrine. In its light how
shall we view the recent "Hay-Paunce-
fete agreement ? "
Its title is ' 'a convention between the
United States and Great Britain to
facilitate the construction of a ship
canal to connect the Atlantic and Paci
fic oceans , and to remove any objection
which might arise out of the convention
commonly called the Olayton-Bulwer
treaty. "
In the preamble it is again called a
convention , " and in arts. 1 , 2 , 8 and 4.
Did the signers to the agreement ,
Messrs. Hay and Pauncefote , intend to
inform the world that this agreement
was not "betsveen two sovereign
powers ? " Was it intended that a
British subject could even be a mem
ber" of the United States government
without renouncing allegiance to his
queen ?
At the banquet
LOGIC FROM
LODGE. ° * * ke Hamilton
Club in Chicago
Mr. Lodge , who marks the descent of
senators in Massachusetts from Web
ster to himself , said :
"It must be plain to the American
citizen that the insurrection in the
Philippines is nearly at an end. But I
tell you it will go smoldering along un
til William is re-elected
McKinley - presi
dent of the United States next Novem
ber. We will then decide on our duty
when the problem is settled. Until that
time the strife must continue. "
The logic is that the war was ex
clusively for political purposes. It will
be ended soon. But it will not be ended
until McKinley is re-elected.
That may mean never.
The yell of "disloyalty , " is a fetching
cry among fools. Without a pending
war it could not be heard in the coming
campaign. After "the problem is set
tled , " Lodge suggests sizing up "duty
and destiny. " Could anything be light
er , more diaphanous than the logic of
Lodge ?
On the first day
*
of April , 1900 , the
American people had an increased circu
lation among them of honest one-
huudred-cents-to-the-dollar currency.
This increase of dollars in agriculture ,
commerce and manufacture is in direct
denial of the direful forecasts of Colonel
Bryan and his disciples in 1896. Those
zealots , without reservation , declared if
they were defeated in that "first battle"
that the plutocratic octopus would
enmesh and smother all the industry
and muscle of this country. They
averred that , with the gold standard
maintained , the poor people would be
begging bread and begging in vain all
over the United States.
That corn would be ten cents a bushel
and wheat twenty-five and no money
outside of the pockets of corporations.
And now there are twenty-six dollars
( $26.00) ) per capita in the channels of
trade in these United States. Second
hand prophecies for sale 1 New issues
by the same prophet , at low rates , de
livered on demand !
Between the
FAITH IN THE
PEOPLE. Bryauism of Bryan
and the McKiuley-
ism of McKinley , the choice appears so
desperate that the better and more
patriotic a man may be , the more help
lessly he seems to waver , one way today
and the other tomorrow. Here is a
capital theme for disdain of the people
and their institutions , that have worked
us out so hopeless a dilemma. Not for
us. We never saw a time when we
thought better of the people , or found
more evidence of their leaning toward
the right.
If there ever was a doubt whether
honesty were the best policy , in the re
lations of a public man especially , now
and here is the moment when it could
least be entertained. Hardly have we
witnessed such a keenness of national
conscience , for instance , as in the present
uprising against the Porto Rico infamy ;
literally a "caution" to the spirit that
sets party above country , since it is the
very party whose principles were sup
posed to be embodied in this measure ,
which starts up in the most intense
revolt. Each individual who took a
leading step in that revolt , at once
becomes a hero ; Littlefield , Orumpacker
and the rest ; not in high mugwump cir
cles only , but in the popular mind ; for
no cause but plain integrity. Their
speeches may be read or not , their
actions are what has counted. Never
was there such a chance to win advance
ment by regard to the public good alone ,
and by disregard of the worn-out ,
rusted , screaking party machinery.
What means the perpetual cropping-out
at this season , as from , some inextermin-
able root , of the longing after Cleve
land ; like that for Old Oliver after a few
years of Charles II , when the Dutch
were promenading up the Thames ? Is
it his many soft speeches , unctuous
Manners , "frank , outspoken , consistent
advocacy of both sides , " as called on ?
Nothing can disguise or obscure the
Man , whom the people once knew for a
man.
The practical question is , the public
mind being in such health and craving
for its proper nutriment , must we have
no chance of diet but those two dishes ?
No liberty but of change from the one
to the other ? Chained slaves could
hardly fare worse. But it is no fetter
