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About The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902 | View Entire Issue (April 19, 1900)
The Conservative. Those who recall HANK DEPOSITS. call the clirefnl predictioiis , made by the populist candi date for the presidency in 1800 , of the calamity that would result from a con tinuation of the gold standard , will doubtless be most agreeably surprised to note the following statement of the amount of money in Otoe county. The deposits of ton banks of the county , in cluding the four banks of Nebraska City , on April 12 , 189G , amounted to $875,000. As a result of the iniquitous gold standard they are today $1,712,000 , almost doubled in four years. "What is true of Otoe county applies to the entire state and country as shown by the re port of the state banking board and the statement of the comptroller of the currency. The largest results BIG TRUST DIVIDEND. sults from the smallest invest ment are declared by the candidature trust. Boss Bryan has invested less cash and more wind in this concern than any other one man on earth. But his dividends are the biggest. Watered stock does not begin to pay like winded stock. Water cannot compete with wind. The latter gets sixteen dollars while the former gets only one. For six years Boss Bryan has made splendid statements of the profits upon wind. "The First Battle" is com pressed air as a money motor. And the constant campaign of Boss Bryan , from 1896 to 1000 , involving tens of thousands of miles of travel , sixteen hundred and eleven recitations upon "trusts , " " 16 to 1 , " "imperialism , " has made coin out of candidature with more facility than the mint can make it out of metal. There is no watered stock extorting such tremendous profits as those which are evolved from the wind and words of Bryan stock in the candidature trust. Neither Rockefeller nor any other alleged plutocrat on the face of this earth has taken as much money from the plain people and given them so little in return. On the 81st of TREATIES AND CONVENTIONS. January , 1900 , there appeared in the Nebraska State Journal an editorial entitled "The Uitlauder's Allegiance , " from which the following paragraph is taken entire : "The very fact that the agreement between the British government and the Transvaal republic was definitely termed a 'convention' and not a 'treaty' shows that a British subject could even be a member of the Transvaal government without renouncing allegiance to his queen. Had it been called a treaty it would have been an agreement between two sovereign powers. Let us not mix these things for the sake of argument. " The writer of the above asserts that the term "convention" is used only be- tween nations of different ranks or standing ; that its use indicates that one of the contracting parties is inferior to and subject to the other. The editorial in question has been received by the republican press and statesmen without question and must bo accepted as good republican doctrine. In its light how shall we view the recent "Hay-Paunce- fete agreement ? " Its title is ' 'a convention between the United States and Great Britain to facilitate the construction of a ship canal to connect the Atlantic and Paci fic oceans , and to remove any objection which might arise out of the convention commonly called the Olayton-Bulwer treaty. " In the preamble it is again called a convention , " and in arts. 1 , 2 , 8 and 4. Did the signers to the agreement , Messrs. Hay and Pauncefote , intend to inform the world that this agreement was not "betsveen two sovereign powers ? " Was it intended that a British subject could even be a mem ber" of the United States government without renouncing allegiance to his queen ? At the banquet LOGIC FROM LODGE. ° * * ke Hamilton Club in Chicago Mr. Lodge , who marks the descent of senators in Massachusetts from Web ster to himself , said : "It must be plain to the American citizen that the insurrection in the Philippines is nearly at an end. But I tell you it will go smoldering along un til William is re-elected McKinley - presi dent of the United States next Novem ber. We will then decide on our duty when the problem is settled. Until that time the strife must continue. " The logic is that the war was ex clusively for political purposes. It will be ended soon. But it will not be ended until McKinley is re-elected. That may mean never. The yell of "disloyalty , " is a fetching cry among fools. Without a pending war it could not be heard in the coming campaign. After "the problem is set tled , " Lodge suggests sizing up "duty and destiny. " Could anything be light er , more diaphanous than the logic of Lodge ? On the first day * of April , 1900 , the American people had an increased circu lation among them of honest one- huudred-cents-to-the-dollar currency. This increase of dollars in agriculture , commerce and manufacture is in direct denial of the direful forecasts of Colonel Bryan and his disciples in 1896. Those zealots , without reservation , declared if they were defeated in that "first battle" that the plutocratic octopus would enmesh and smother all the industry and muscle of this country. They averred that , with the gold standard maintained , the poor people would be begging bread and begging in vain all over the United States. That corn would be ten cents a bushel and wheat twenty-five and no money outside of the pockets of corporations. And now there are twenty-six dollars ( $26.00) ) per capita in the channels of trade in these United States. Second hand prophecies for sale 1 New issues by the same prophet , at low rates , de livered on demand ! Between the FAITH IN THE PEOPLE. Bryauism of Bryan and the McKiuley- ism of McKinley , the choice appears so desperate that the better and more patriotic a man may be , the more help lessly he seems to waver , one way today and the other tomorrow. Here is a capital theme for disdain of the people and their institutions , that have worked us out so hopeless a dilemma. Not for us. We never saw a time when we thought better of the people , or found more evidence of their leaning toward the right. If there ever was a doubt whether honesty were the best policy , in the re lations of a public man especially , now and here is the moment when it could least be entertained. Hardly have we witnessed such a keenness of national conscience , for instance , as in the present uprising against the Porto Rico infamy ; literally a "caution" to the spirit that sets party above country , since it is the very party whose principles were sup posed to be embodied in this measure , which starts up in the most intense revolt. Each individual who took a leading step in that revolt , at once becomes a hero ; Littlefield , Orumpacker and the rest ; not in high mugwump cir cles only , but in the popular mind ; for no cause but plain integrity. Their speeches may be read or not , their actions are what has counted. Never was there such a chance to win advance ment by regard to the public good alone , and by disregard of the worn-out , rusted , screaking party machinery. What means the perpetual cropping-out at this season , as from , some inextermin- able root , of the longing after Cleve land ; like that for Old Oliver after a few years of Charles II , when the Dutch were promenading up the Thames ? Is it his many soft speeches , unctuous Manners , "frank , outspoken , consistent advocacy of both sides , " as called on ? Nothing can disguise or obscure the Man , whom the people once knew for a man. The practical question is , the public mind being in such health and craving for its proper nutriment , must we have no chance of diet but those two dishes ? No liberty but of change from the one to the other ? Chained slaves could hardly fare worse. But it is no fetter
