TTbe Conservative * 3 - would submit to pay the stamp duty if it was moderated ? " "No , never , unless compelled by force of arms. " "Don't you think they would submit to the stamp act if it was modified , the obnoxious parts taken out , and the duty reduced to some particulars of small moment ? " "No , they will never submit to it. " "Have you not heard of the resolutions of this house and the house of lords as serting the right of parliament relating to America , including a power to tax the people there ? " "Yes , I have heard of such resolu tions. " "What will be the opinion of the Americans on those resolutions ? " "They will think them tinconstitu- tioual and unjust. " Just as the McKinley administration , in the case of Porto Rico , wants to establish a - pro- Supremacy of . . . , Parliament. < * dent for colonial administration , so England in 1768 , by the resolution of right , sought to establish a precedent determining the constitutional rights of parliament in legislating for the Ameri can colonies. It will doubtless be re membered what this "precedent" led to. The resolution of right is almost iden tical with the modern declaration of the "supremacy" of congress and reads as follows : "That the king's majesty , by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal and the commons of Great Britain , in parliament assembled , had , hath , and of right ought to have full power to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies and people of Amer ica , subjects of the crown of Great Britain , in all cases whatsoever. " THE CHICAGO STRIKE. Chicago forcibly illustrates the tyr anny and injustice of labor combinations 55,000 men having been thrown out of employment. Arrangements had been "made for the expenditure of $12,000,000 in the construction of buildings. This must now be abandoned , because of the strike inaugurated at the instance o : 6,000 machinists , who demand that the present wage scale of 15 cents an hour as the 'minimum and 25 cents the maximum , be increased to 28 cents an hour as the minimum , a nine-hour day the employment of only union men am discharge of all non-union men am colored laborers. The strike has already produced a riot , as a result of an attack upon non union employees ElVects of the Strike. . , . , in which one man was mortally wounded and fifty others injured and removed to hospitals. The average daily wage is about $2.00. Thi means a loss to workmen of $110,000 for every day the strike continues or $8,800 , 000 per month. The tying up of such a large volume of capital and the sudden withdrawal of the purchasing capacity of this army of workmen seriously hamper the business life of the com munity and effects more or less directly all branches of trade. This is what the trike is doing for Chicago. In this , as n eyery other strike that has taken place in this country , the wage-earners hemsolves are the most injured. The history of strikes is proof of their futility as a means of correcting the differences between capital and labor. In the Homestead strike , after great loss of > roperty and a deplorable sacrifice of ife , not a single point of financial advantage was gained by the laborers , jut was attended with an actual loss to them of thousouds of dollars in wages The commission appointed by Presi dent Cleveland to investigate the Pullman - man strike , on Tlio Pullman Strike. . . . - < r ) page 18 of their report , under the heading , "Losses and Crimes , " state : "According to the testimony , the railroads lost in property destroyed , hire of the United States deputy marshals , and other incidental expenses , at least $685,808. The loss of earnings of these roads is estimated at $4,072,916. Some 8,100 employees at Pullman lost in wages , as estimated , at least $850,000. About 100,000 employees upon the twenty-four railroads centering in Chicago , all of which were more or less involved in the strike , lost in wages as estimated , at least $1,888,483. " In the consequent riots and lawlessness 1 men were fatally injured and 586 placed under arrest. Not only is the financial loss to the community large as a result of a strike but the moral ef- Moral Ell'cct. - , . , , feet is most de generating. It converts industrious workmen into idlers and , as is often the case , lawbreakers. It makes innocent families suffer. It affords an oppor tunity for the criminal , lawless element of society to ply their vocation. Too often they have their origin in grievances not real but imaginary. The walking delegate , the professional agitator , whoso experience as a laborer is confined ex clusively to the manipulation of his facial and vocal muscles , fills workmen with discontent , creates antagonism between employer and employee , alto gether unwarranted and unjust , that he may exact a price for the termination of hostilities. The principle of labor unions , which foster and encourage strikes , is wrong. It is a trust or com- Wrong in Principle. to prices and differs from the combinations of capital only in this that the labor trust seeks to control and fix the price of labor , while the capitalistic trust affects the price of commodities. If it is against public interest for capital to combine to fix the price of commodities and eliminate competition as a factor in their regulation , then it is equally hostile to public interest for labor to unite to fix the price of wages. If legislation is proper to suppress one form of combi nation , it should be applied to the other. The labor trust is even the more tyrannical. Capital does not use force and violence to Tyranny of Labor Trnnt. prevent competi tion. The labor trust , in Chicago , in the dispute with the Now York and New Jersey Ma chinery Manufacturers' Association , and in every other strike , has demanded that only such men , as it recommends , shall be employed. It not only makes this demand but uses force and violence to make the demand effective. It not only attempts to fix the price but assumes to dictate who shall be employed at the stipulated price. It assumes the pre rogative of determining what men shall have the right to make a living. Which is the more tyrannical and oppressive , the more un-American , the labor trust , evolved by the walking delegate , or the capitalistic trust ? W. E. Curtis , in INITIALED EGGS. the Chicago Rec ord , tells this tale of poultry : "Somebody down in North Carolina found an egg bearing the letters 'W. J. B. , ' as you learned in the dispatches to the Chicago Record the other day , and now we hear that a hen over in a Mary- laud village has dropped one with G. O. ' marked on it as distinct and immovable as the north star. This places Arthur Pue Gorman in an em barrassing dilemma , because he has not yet expressed a presidential preference. Mr. Gorman will not believe that any well-bred Maryland hen would lay an egg with Grover Cleveland's initials upon it , and insists that some old goose must have committed this eggstraor- diuary folly under the hypnotic influence of Daniel S. Lament or J. Sterling Mor ton. Mr. Gorman suggests that the 'G. O. ' egg may possibly be a relic of the campaign of ' 88 or ' 02 and advises great care in handling it. " One of the striking GOVERNMENT COMMISSION. ing features of the McKinley admin istration is the principle of government by commission. Political debts that the president was unable to pay by appoint ment to a regular federal position , were satisfied by sending the individuals abroad to inquire into the practicability of doing a lot of visionary things. The pleasure trips of political tourists to Cuba , the European bimetallic pow wow , the peaceful declamatory con ference at the Hague , and other junkets to congenial climes have cost the govern ment three million dollars with abso lutely nothing to show for it except a report of a good time by the beneficiaries and the satisfaction of the executive in possessing a receipt in full for the pay ment of political obligations , J5 >