The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, March 29, 1900, Page 2, Image 3

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    the Conservative *
FItOM "THE KAILWAY AGE. "
Nebraska seems determined to retain
its unprofitable notoriety as a State in
which the investment of capital in rail
ways is unsafe. Although the Supreme
Court of the United States declared the
Nebraska maximum rate law to bo unjust
and unconstitutional , yet the attorney-
general has had the assurance to com
mence suits against three railway com
panies for alleged damages aggregating
$570,000 by reason of violations of that
nullified law. The pretext is that the
decision of the Supreme Court holds
good only in so far as it affects schedule
rates fixed by the law , and that the gen
eral principle of the law is still operative
a perversion of the spirit of its decision
which the court will not bo likely to
tolerate.
The hybridized
TWADDLK.
politicians who ,
under the direction of their supreme
boss , met in convention at Lincoln
recently , twaddled most resonantly.
They declared that "the constitution
follows the flag ; " and that where the
civic twins aforenamed , once pause , the
spot of earth where that pause is made
becomes forever and forever , a part of
the United States.
In view of that doctrine , THE CONSER
VATIVE offers a reward of ten silver dollars
lars for the miscreant who yanked the
flag down and jerked off the constitu
tion at Lundy's Lane ! A similar reward
will be paid for the varlets who swiped
the flag and kicked the constitution
from the halls of the Montezninas. The
abominable proceedings in Canada and
the diabolism of the desecrations in
Mexico must , in accordance with this
twaddling declaration of dogmatic
demagogues , be immediately and un
relentingly avenged. The constitution
and the flag ; the force of the former ,
and the shade of the latter , one and in
separable , now and forever !
President Schur-
scnuuniAN's
OPINION. man of Cornell
University , in a
letter published in this issue of THE
CONSERVATIVE , points out the effect ,
upon the Filipinos , if we break the
promise made by General Miles to the
Porto Ricans. It would bo an acknowl
edgment that our government is no
longer bound by obligations of honor
nor restrained by constitutional prohi
bitions. At the same time we have been
and are now , by means of pretty
promises , aided by the most improved
appliances in gunnery , trying to fill the
Filipinos with confidence in our in
tegrity. What will these skeptical ,
semi-barbaric people now think of our
high moral purpose ? How will they
regard our abandonment of a "plain
duty ? " How view our faithless neglect
in declining to do what Secretary Root
said , "was demanded by the highest
considerations of justice and good faith ? ' '
With the continued use of such forceful
illustrations and vivid object lessons of
our elevated standard of morals how
long before the Filipinos will implicitly
trust us ?
The Philippine insurrection was
brought about not so much because of
what we had done
Cause of Insurrection. . ,
or said we were
going to do , but largely because of a
lack of faith in our sincerity. The dis
trust of the Filipinos was not unreason
able. Spain had often deceived them
by publishing proclamations , containing
assurances of greater privileges and a
more liberal government , with no idea
or intention of fulfillment. Is it wise
for us , in the first step in insular legis
lation , to begin by doing as Spain has
done ; by declining to be bound by the
most sacred of all obligations , the honor
of a nation ? Is it surprising that the
insurrection in the Philippines continues
to drag along ? Need we think it strange
that the natives , whom we installed as
mayors of the various municipalities ,
are quitting their positions and do not
wish to have anything more to do with
American administration , as late dis
patches from General Otis indicate they
are doing ?
President Schunnan is quite right in
saying that there is a moral obligation
on the part of congress to give Porto
Rico free trade. He is equally correct
in his reference to the effect , upon the
Filipinos , of repudiating such an obliga
tion. He is quite aware that it is apt to
cause the humanitarian promises made
by the late Philippine commission , of
which he was the head , to drop below
par on the Philippine market.
OXclu-
MONEY VS. BIOBAM ,
sively political or
financial do not so keenly affect or so
deeply arouse the people as when moral
considerations are involved and the pub
lic conscience appealed to. The present
outburst of popular feeling against Me-
Kinley cannot be accounted for on the
ground of a difference of opinion rela
tive to the mere dollars and cents of the
Porto Rican tariff , but can only bo ful
ly explained on the theory of the moral
phase of the question.
When General Miles landed his army
in Porto Rico , he promised that the
island was to be a part of the territory
of the United States and that the people
were to enjoy the privileges and immun
ities of the citizens of the several states
and territories of the United States.
The American Evacuation Commission ,
representing our government , posted
throughout San Juan a proclamation
which read :
"To the Porto Ricau People : The sen
ate of Washington has ratified the treaty
of peace so that Porto Rico is definite
ly incorporated with the United States
of America. We are then with legiti-
TO
mate pride citizens of that great nation ,
the freest , most democratic and most
prosperous of the civilized world. "
It was these friendly assurances of
our patriotic intentions that caused the
_ , . _ . , Porto Ricans to
I'orlo KioitiiK , . . . .
Friendly. welcome with joy
the army of Gen
eral Miles and to look upon him as their
deliverer from Spanish oppression and
tyranny. It was these promises , so pos
itively and unequivocally given , that
filled them with gratitude and loyalty to
the United States and they proved it by
taking up arms in defence of American
occupation. The President rejoiced be
cause of the friendly attitude of the
Porto Ricans. Not a word was spoken ,
not a line written , disavowing the senti
ment expressed by General Miles where
by their acquiescence was secured. At
that time nobody conceived of the pos
sibility of General Miles doing anything
else. It was assumed by everybody
that the constitution would of course go
to Porto Rico as it went to Louisiana ,
Florida , Mexico and Alaska. That was
before the moral and constitutional vis
ion of the administration was blurred by
plans of military conquest and subjuga
tion , the mere suggestion of which the
president then frowned upon and de
nounced as criminal aggression.
But constant association with and
hopeless financial and political indebfc-
edness to the se-
, , . , ,
Political Degeneracy. , . _ _
ductive Hanua ,
whom Gen. Lew Wallace has , so aptly ,
characterized as the "Great American
Suspect" , has weakened the moral fiber
of the executive. After enjoying the
benefits of Porto Rican acquiescence in
our promises , and faith in our political
integrity , when the time came to redeem
the pledges we had made and make
good our credit , he repudiated the debt
and refused to be bound by an obliga
tion , the fulfillment of which honor at
least demanded. Most people have
strict ideas of national faith. Although
they may find it difficult to decide be
tween questions involving intricate the
ories of finance or economics , when
the simple proposition is submitted to
them whether or not to endorse the act
of our president in breaking a promise ,
they will know intuitively what to do.
Hence the alarm among Hannaites. All
that can possibly save the president
from the impending calamity , the legit
imate result of his own folly , is the at
tempt to force those who would now re
buke him to subscribe to theories of gov
ernment hitherto denounced as both
dangerous and dishonest and accept a
leadership they once repudiated and
branded as incompetent and imbecile.
, _ , . _ A bill has been
INSURANCE. . , , , . , ,
introduced in the
New York legislature to limit the busi
ness of the life insurance companies.
The bill prohibits the companies from