'Cbe Conservative *
Throwiug aside
KICHA1U ) OLNEY.
all partiality , TIIE
CONSERVATIVE commends to the thought
ful and patriotic , the lucid and logical
article by Richard Olney in the Atlantic
Monthly for March , a a clear and
sensible statement of conditions and
duties.
THE CONSERVATIVE pleads guilty to a
great liking and admiration for Mr. Olney.
But even those who may neither admire
him nor agree with him in any respect ,
must admit the terseness and cogency
of his style and logic. That ho would
make a courageous , splendidly conserv
ative and wisely deliberative President
of ( he United States no sensible citizen ,
who is acquainted with his professional
and politicnl career , will deny. Mr.
Oluey has every qualification for an effi
cient statesman , and very few of
those which the successful politician
must have. He is honest , strong , stur
dy in courage and fearless in doing
whatever he thinks the law requires to
be done. He would make a great presi
dent. He would therefore not make a
popular candidate. His independence
and his exalted sense of the responsibil
ity of public office would render his ad
ministration perfect and his candida
ture imperfect , because he would , in
neither , stoop to deception and dem
agogy. The American people would be
indeed fortunate if they could secure
for their president a man of Mr. Olney's
ability , acquirements and experience.
He would honor the position , though ,
THE CONSERVATIVE is certain , he would
not abate his faith in any principle of
government heretofore espoused , nor
even pretend , for one second , to believe
that which he does not believe , if
by such renunciation and pretense he
could be assured of two terms of the
presidency. Mr. Olney is too brainy
too methodically logical and too un
emotional in his politics and his patriot
ism to ever become a volunteer candi
date for the presidency or any other
office. The New York Sun of February
28 , very fairly epitomizes Mr. Olney's
article and says :
"He is glad that events have put an
end to the long period of international
isolation , and limitation of the political
activities of the United States to the
concerns of the American continents.
"Ho believes that although this coun
try's emergence into the larger world
was hastened by the war with Spain , it
was inevitable , had been long preparing
and could not have been long delayed.
"He believes that in spite of the Teller
resolution , which he regarded as ill-ad
vised and futile at the time of its passage -
sago , Onba should be in point of law
'what she already is in point of fact ,
namely , United States territory. '
"He is doubtful about the expediency
of Hawaiian annexation , but apparently
accepts the accomplished fact.
"On the subject of the Philippines ,
V
Mr. Olney's views nro positive. Ho re
gards the far-eastern archipelago as a
huge incubus which we have unneces
sarily taken upon ourselves. He thinks
that wo had no call of duty there.
Proper coaling stations and an adequate
naval base are all he would have liked
to see retained by this government.
"Ho insists upon the open' door for
American commerce in China , and holds
that the acquisition of the Philippines
weakens our position , instead of
strengthening it in that important re
spect.
"Nevertheless , although Mr. Oluey
thinks that the Treaty of Paris was a
mistake , so far as it made us responsi
ble for the future of the Philippines , he
says plainly that we are committed , that
the Philippines are ours , and that how
we shall deal with them is a domestic
problem simply. There is no sugges
tion on his part of withdrawal.
"In his view , the immediate demands
of the new position the United States
government has assumed in the world's
affairs are the strengthening of its dip
lomatic agencies and methods and
means a powerful navy up to date in all
respects.
"The great change that has come over
us , he insists , does not affect in the least
our traditional policy of noninterference
ence in the internal affairs and politics
of the European powers. That must be
the rule of the United States for the fu
ture as it has been in the past.
"On the other hand , the primacy of
the United States in the affairs of the
American continents must be asserted
as firmly in the future as in the past.
The Monroe Doctrine is unimpaired.
"He believes that we are already
caught , not by any formal compact but
by the stress of the inexorable facts of
the situation and our new responsibil
ities as an Asiatic power , in an alliance
of the sort that used to be described as
entangling , ' and the ally is Great Brit
ain. He deplores the circumstance , be
cause we might be and should be friends
with all the world , and intimacy with
and dependence on one power is certain
to excite the suspicion and ill will of the
others ; nevertheless if such an unwrit
ten but entangling alliance had to be ,
he prefers that it should be with Eng
land , the power most formidable as a
foe and most effective as a friend.
"In the new situation he sees the cer
tainty of an enlargement of the nation's
mental and moral vision and the abate
ment of racial prejudices ; but without
involving any decline of the old-fash
ioned American patriotism.
"Such is'a hasty but fair summary of
the opinions Mr. Olney advances in his
article in the Atlantic Monthly for
March. We are sure that no one can
read it , no matter whether he agrees
with Mr. Olney or not at every point ,
without increased admiration for the
energetic intellect and character of this
interesting statesman , patriot and ex
pansionist. "
Not many
- " 60 there-
election of Presi
dent McKiuley was looked upon as a
certainty. Today it is not only doubt
ful , but the indications are almost as
strong for defeat as a few months ago
they were favorable to his success.
What is it that has alienated from
the administration the sympathy and
support of thousands of its most devoted
adherents ? The answer is to be found
in an investigation of recent history.
At the beginning of the trouble in the
Philippines there was a strong feeling
_ „ , , , . * . in this country of
Feeling of Distrust.
distrust as to the
real motive of the administration. It
was hinted , and not only hinted but
frankly asserted , that its purpose was
not merely to establish law and order
but to assume an imperialistic policy
and have a system of colonial dependen
cies. Then came the equally frank
avowal on the part of the president that
his purpose was not to wage a war of
subjugation or conquest , but to extend
to the people of the Philippines the
blessings of liberty as we know them
here , to give to them that which our con
stitution gives to us. Many were dis
posed to accept the word of the admin
istration. They honestly thought the
policy pursued meant only expansion ,
an extension of American territory , a
greater area over which the constitution
of the United States should be supreme.
They were disposed to be patient , to let
the war go on and permit the president
to shoot the blessings of liberty into
an unwilling people.
But the time for vague assurances
came to an end. The problem of administration -
. , , _ , , . ministration cou-
Hroheii Promises. ,
fronted our gov
ernment. The establishment of the con
stitutional status of the new acquisitions
had to be determined upon. The ad
ministration had come to the parting of
the ways. It had to choose between ex
pansion under the constitution and im
perialism. Puerto Rico , whose pitiable
poverty and intense industrial distress
ought to have appealed to every impulse
of humanity , was selected as the victim
for this object lesson of republican pol
icy. A republican ways and means
committee recommended , a republican
congress , at the urgent solicitation of
the sugar and tobacco trust , passed , and
a republican president has indicated his
approval of , an act placing a duty upon
imports from Puerto Eico.
The constitution specifically says , that
duties and imports shall be uniform
the
Extra-Constitutional.
United States ,
The supreme court of the United States ,
in every case where this question has
been in controversy , has decided that