10 Conservative.
ADDRESS OF HON. GAUL souuu/ .
Delivered at the Conference of the Antl-
ImpcrlaliHt Or jaiii/utloii8 , Philadel
phia , Fuliruiiry ! J , 11)00.
Mr. Schurz referred briefly to the
early history of onr country , the basic
principles of our government ns laid
down by its founder , George Wash
ington.
The' policy of onr government was
then and for the many years following
characterized by a
Monroe Doctrine.
complete avoid
ance of foreign complications and a
strict adherence to the Monroe doctrine.
Our country grew in commercial and
political importance , in a manner that
has been the marvel of the world and
became respected as a great world
power , not becKuse of an imposing array
of military armament , but by reason of
the sheer force of the energy and in
herent worth of her people and the
stability of her democratic institutions.
For three quarters of a century , ex
cept for the period of the civil war , we
remained at peace
Era of Pence.
with the world.
These were the blessings that came to
the country while following the policy
outlined by Washington. Now , after
so long a period of uninterrupted
peace and exceptional prosperity , we
are told that we have reached the turn
ing point : that we must depart from
those lines by which onr nation became
great : that we must begin the building
of big fleets and armies and become
conquerors and extend our benevolent
sovereignty wherever the might of the
sword shall place it.
Those who depart from early tradi
tions and policies , attempt to silence
opposition at home
Divinely InHpircd.
by styling the
course they pursue as the inspiration of
Providence and assert it to be folly to
resist. But it was not until an investi
gation had been made of the resources
of the Philippines , under the authority
of the administration , before the storm
ing of Manila , that President McKiu-
ley became willing to give the order to
Admiral Dewey by which ho announced
the assumption of the responsibility
which Providence had thrust , "un
sought , " upon him.
After the fall of Manila , brought
about by reason of the timely aid of the
insurgent forces ,
Our Philippine Allicfl.
peace negotiations
were entered into with Spain.
Speaking of these negotiations Mr.
Schnrz said : "While these services
were being rendered by the Filipinos ,
and their effective cooperation sought
and accepted by us , the Filipinos acted
as onr allies against a common foe. And
then when we had taken Manila and
assembled a large laud force there did
wo remember that we had gone to war
against Spain with the solemn procla
mation that this should be a war of
liberation , and not of conquest , and that
st
our Filipino allies wore fairly entitled to
the full benefit of that pledge ? No , not
that. President McKinley entered into
peace negotiations with the common
enemy , Spain negotiations from which
our allies , the Filipinos , who urgently
asked to bo heard , were carefully shut
out , and through his peace commission
ers President McKinley concluded ,
behind the backs of our allies , a treaty
with Spain , the common enemy , by
which he recognized , not that the Philip
pine Islanders were , and of right ought
to be , free and independent , like the
Cubans , but that Spain , even after hav
ing been actually ousted from that
country , was still the rightful sovereign
of the Philippine Islanders , so that she
could sell them ; and he bought them
and their country for the sum of $20-
000,000. It was in this singular way
that , as President McKinley wishes to
have us believe , 'the Providence of God
intrusted to our hands the Philippines
a trust we have not sought. ' "
It is claimed , in the preliminary re
port of the Philippine commission , made
shortly before the
Implied Agreement. .
election ot 1890 ,
that there was no formal alliance with
Aguiualdo and the insurgent forces.
Whether there was a written agreement
or not to that effect is immaterial. We
coopera' ; d with them as allies. We en
joyed the benefit of their assistance.
Wo turned over to them Spanish prison
ers and in every way recognized them
as a belligerent ally in good standing.
Although there was no express stipu
lation in writing promising indepen
dence , our solemn proclamation at the
beginning of the war that this would be
a war of liberation , and not of conquest ,
and our permitting them to expect
their independence accordingly while we
accepted their aid as our allies , con
stituted a promise so complete and
morally so binding that it is difficult to
understand how any honest man can so
forget himself as to question it.
Congress declared that the people of
Cuba , "of right ought to be and are free
_ , , , , . and independent. "
Cuban Independence.
Spanish sovereign
ty , historically , had no stronger foun
dation in the Philippines than in Cuba.
It was just as grievous in the Philip
pines and the people had resisted it. So
that the conditions in the two islands
were identical except that the Filipinos
pines had achieved greater military suc
cesses and had organized a better native
government than the Cubans so that in
the Philippines Spain had lost not only
moral title to sovereignty , as she had in
Cuba , but she had actually lost all
exercise and possession of it.
According to our own professed prin
ciples , the right of the Filipinos to
. _ . . . . . sovereignty over
An Inflated In- , , .
vestment. their ° wn country
was even stronger
than that of the Cubans. We had thus
\
ji' *
discredited Spanish sovereignty in the
Philippines and then turned about and
bought from Spain that which we had
denied belonging to her. To enforce
this title of sovereignty , so imperfectly
acquired , we have been killing off the
people who have sought to resist our
claims to authority over them.
It was not because of any outside in
fluence that the Filipinos opposed our
. , . attempt to subju-
.
_
Prosldent f. ,
them TheV
needed none. Had
there been such need they would have
found ample encouragement in the
words of President McKinley when , but
a little while before , lie assured the
world that : "Annexation by force
could not be thought of , because ,
according to the American code of
morals.it would be CRIMINAL AG
GRESSION. "
Besides , if the administration has led
us into policies which cannot bear dis
cussion in the light of the declaration of
independence , the constitution of the
United States and the teachings of
Washington and Lincoln , is it not time
to bury such policies so that the great
American republic may be itself again ?
We are told by the administration that
we must not even say anything on the
. _ . , subject of im-
A Confluence Game. . . . , ,
periahsm as the
policy of the government is already set
tled. "It is not settled , "said Mr. Schurz ,
"and it will not be settled until it be
settled aright. A most unscrupulous
and crafty 'confidence game' has been
worked upon the American people.
When after Dewey's victory more
troops were sent to the Philippines than
the war against the Spaniards seemed to
require , we were told that criticism was
unpatriotic , because the president was
best informed , and must be trusted.
When the peace negotiations came and
it was rumored that the administration
would demand the cession of the Philip
pines to the United States , we were
admonished to hush all unfavorable dis
cussion because it would encourage the
Spaniard to obstreperonsness in the
peace negotiations. When the peace
treaty with that cession in it was before
the senate , we were warned that no
patriot would oppose the ratification of
a treaty of peace , and as to the final
disposition of the Philippines , that
would rest with congress. And all the
while the president repeated over and
over that congress would have to speak
the decisive word. But now , when
congress is to take up the great ques
tion , we are told that the whole case is
settled , and that any attempt to shake
or even to criticise that settlement will
be useless and unpatriotic.
"Unless I am much mistaken , ' the
people are still sovereign in this country ,
. , , , and they will not
People Sovereign. . ,
permit any presi
dent to purloin that sovereignty from
