The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, February 15, 1900, Page 5, Image 5
Conservative * would you not consider them right and you wrong ? " My answer was , "Most emphatically No ! If I should accept such a judgment I should be ignorautly or subserviently accepting theirs and not my own. The might of authority would bo against mo , but the might of my own intelligence is what I stand on. Authority is of no value except where one is more or loss ignorant in the prem ises , " Ho who denies free speech in others , or becomes indignant at con trary opinions , has no confidence in himself. Now , those who favor the Boers do so largely on the strength of feelings , not intelligence. Many make a fetish of republicanism and assert that our gov ernment should express sympathy with any so-called republic. In regard to the Boer and South American republics ( ? ) they forget that a republic must be democratic at the same time , a condi tion that does not and has not existed iu Boordom or South America. Before an intelligent people should express sympathy with so-called republican at tempts on the part of another , that other should or must demonstrate the ability and will to establish a republic. This the Boers have never done. They have shown the wilfuluess of a child determined to put its hand into a fire and not the determination of an intelli gent people. They are egotistical bigots in politics as in religion. Another class of Boer sympathizers do so from anti-British traditionalism because of the rev- Anglicism vs. olution. For QUO , Britishism. _ , . , , I am bold to say that it was a question of might between our fathers and Britain. Tradition ally the British government had as much right to trj' to keep the fathers in subjection and tax them , as the fathers individually and collectively had the right to secede and establish their own government. It was all a question of ability to do. The right to self-govern ment had no existence de facto until the fathers established it by their united might. Their sous have forfeited their right to the machine because of their indifferent weakness. There is no rea son why an American should be anti- British or pro-Boer simply because of the revolution. In relation to govern ments , as between individuals , wo must like that or those which conserve most to our individual preservation. The practical question , or rather the imme diate question is , to which our corre spondents so object , whether English or Boer success is to contribute the most to individual and collective prosperity of this country ? It is no other. Another class of objectors are the so- called Irish-Americans. They should , , . , , , - , , . be . called Irish- The Irish Kickers. un-Americans. "tThese people do not care an iota what * ' the .effects on this country might be if they could only precipitate it into a war with England. The same is true of ) hose idealistic sympathizers who should 3e termed ideal-lunatics. The Irish sympathizers with Boers are like the French sympathizers with our fathers n the revolution. They seek revenge only. If seeking for revenge is in the spirit of liberty , then that goddess had jest be dethroned from the minds of intelligent men. Taking the Irish as a whole , they are Romanists. Roman ism and liberty are absolute incompata- bles. Freedom in any form is unknown to Rome. The liberty the Irish uphold , ; ho freedom Rome supports is to be seen in Now York , and boss-machine despot ism in America. In a recent contribution Mr. Bryan was quoted as accusing the bankers of being more in fa- AiiKlIcIsm nml British- . yr Qf Brjtftiu un. Ism Not Identical. , , , der a Queen than the Boer republic. This is simply a demagogic appeal to the traditional hatred against the English government. That is not the point of view for an in telligent people to consider. The"Brit- ish government is one thing and the English people , historically , quite an other. Who of us , as a people , would like to be judged by the character of our government at many periods in our existence ? What intelligent citizen of New York , Chicago , or Boston would care to be judged by the government of those cities at present ? Institutions are one thing , their practical execution may be quite another. Speaking of the Irish , no nation , no people , is worthy of lib erty or sympathy which has not shown itself capable of appreciating and up holding freedom. Has any Celtic nation done this ? Look at Rome , France , Italy , Spain 1 Is it not a historical and striking fact that only one people have even approached this ability ? In it nol a fact that that people is the Angle and not the Saxon ? They may bo Ario- Germauio , but they are not the Ger mans or the Dutch. It is the Angle that stands for liberty and freedom and no other. Now , look at home. There is not a competent student of our institutional development who Antl-AiiRllolam Dundoog uot kno trorous to Freedom. , , , . . . , . that with the en croaching anti-Anglican blood if the term may be used in this country , thai the bird of freedom has been mightily well plucked. What has it done bul tend to enslave us ? It has corrupted our politics ; it has polluted our sooia life with the saloon and with crime. It has sought to encroach on our public school system. Iu one word auti-Aug licism is death to freedom. When die Celtism favor freedom iu this country' Was it in favor of abolition ? Is it h favor of the Chinese ? Is it in favor of anything but itself at any cost , oven to self-destruction ? If there is a people who are "in for all there is in it , " cor rupt or not , it is the Celt. Are the Italians a favorable adjunct to freedom in America , the Poles , the Armenians vnd all their cult ? If so , then ignorance is for freedom and intelligence antagon istic to it. Is there the freedom of peo- ale or commerce in the German , French or Dutch colonies there is in well estab lished English colonies ? Is there the freedom , political , commercial , intellect ual , and social , in France or Germany there is in England and her colonies ? Is there in these free United States ? The boss in politics , the theologian in religion , are both antagonistic to free dom. Wherever the Anglican influence weakens or is being threatened by the ad mixture of anti-Anglican pollution there is freedom threatened. The dangers are imminent in this country. Future hii- tory will show this no incorrect reading of the present. America is paying to day , in the corruption of her politics , as she will in political , social revolution , for the indiscriminate auti-Anglican im migration she has permitted and encour aged. The strength of England is racial homogeneity. The same is true of France and Germany. The weakness of America is racial heterogeneity. Not even today are we a homogenous people ple , save perhaps in the face of a com mon danger. The question of the fu ture is to Americanize , which is but another word for Anglicise , the people of the United States. That does not mean to Britishize. The Britons were Celts. No Celtic nation has shown itself fitted for freedom and self-govern ment. Look at Franco. Look at the bloody days of the Revolution and Com mune. Look at New York city. Celt- ism requires a boss and a despot. Look at Romanism and the absolutism of the church. Celtism has to bo controlled with a club , it matters not whether it is the club of corruption or of supertition. Anglicism controls itself. Romanism is of use to Anglicism only in so far as it controls and prevents socialism with the theological club. At present it is only theological bulwarks against social anarchy. In so far it favors and sup ports freedom. Protestantism tends to socialism and slavery. Anglicism and not Britishism is the political bul wark of intellectual , social and political freedom the world over. Not the Saxon , but the Angle has been the Bayard of freedom , "The knight without reproach or fear. " If the Boer ever has will some one kindly indicate it. Boerdom is a theocracy of the most abjpct creedal type. Was there ever a theocracy which made a nest for Freedom to de velop in ? Only in the combat and struggle of the theocracies is there intel lectual freedom , political and social freedom , in America. Give but one of them the chance and theocratic Robes- piereism would show its dragon-head. The columns of THE CONSERVATIVE are