The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, February 08, 1900, Page 8, Image 8
NO OXNARD FACTORY. liei-t Sugar Company Will Not Establish Plant This Year. The Sioux City Journal of yesterday morning contained the following : The American Beet Sugar company , which it was hoped would establish an immense beet sugar factory in Sioux City , has changed its plans in this regard and will not build the plant this year ; perhaps it never will build it. Henry T. Oxnard , of Oxnard , Cal. , president of this pow erful beet sugar organization , has writ ten a letter to John O. Greusel , chair man of the manufacturers' committee of the Sioux City Real Estate board , who has been conducting the negotia tions on the part of the city. His com munication was as follows : American Beet Sugar Company , 82 Nassau Street , New York , Jan. 27,1900. J. O. Greusel , Esq. , Sioux City , la. Dear Sir : We will not locate a factory in Iowa this year. Should the senti ment in favor of expansion die out I shall bo very glad to take up the subject another year. Unless our sugar inter ests are to be protected we will not de velop any further. Yours very truly , HENRY T. OXNARD. Until the receipt of this letter the real estate board believed the negotiations with the sugar company were progress ing finely and that the prospect of the factory being completed before next fall was excellent. Mr. Oxnard has been evincing much interest in the proposi tions of the real estate board to see that the city would give his company hand some treatment and take care of it as have been other large companies which located institutions in Sioux City. Mr. Greusel said he was uncertain what would be the board's next move upon Mr. Oxnard. "There is one thing cer tain , " said Mr. Greusel , "we do not in tend to let up on him. We believe that Sioux City is one of the most desirable locations in the world for a beet sugar factory and there is small doubt that Mr. Oxnard fully recognizes this. If he will not recede from his present posi tion , I think we should keep in touch with him until the growth of his busi ness compels expansion of the American Beet Sugar Company. " Mr. Bryan's re BRYAN AND appearance in the HRYANISM. East , coming as he does only a few months before the as sembling of the democratic national con vention , calls attention anew to the ex traordinary position in his party which ho occupies. He was beaten for the presidency in 1896 by a plurality of over 600,000 ; indeed , counting the Palmer and Buokner democrats against him , he was in a minority of nearly three-quar ters of a million , leaving the prohibition ticket and the other odds and ends oul of the account. Yet everybody of any political sense sees that he seems today sure of another nomination. It is no now thing in American pol itics for a leader who has been defeated to retain his hold A Fashion. . . . _ upon his party. In the first half of the century , Jackson's defeat by John Quincy Adams in 1824 only assured his support , this time suc cessfully , in 1828 ; and Clay's defeat by Jackson in 1882 did not prevent his party from putting him in the field once more in 1844. In more recent times it was clear to the philosophical observer , from the day of Cleveland's defeat in 1888 , that he was the predestined candi date of the democracy in 1892. But all of these were cases where everybody could see that the leader Jackson , Clay , _ . Giants. , Cleveland was a man of unquestioned strength. Even the Hill politicians who got up the "snap" convention in this state , eight years ago , knew they were "playing a bluff game" when they gave out that Cleveland could not carry his own state. But the men who have in the past been the leaders in the democratic party , the men whose judgment up to 1896 always carried weight in its councils , are now practically unanimous in the belief that Bryan is a weak candidate , and that his second nomination will mean only an other defeat. People note this striking fact , and they wonder that , in the face of it , the party should evidently be drifting towards a second campaign un der his leadership. The reason that one might as well whistle against the wind as expect to prevent the nomi- Thc Grip. . nation of Bryan next summer is because Bryan has now precisely the same sort of hold upon the masses which went to the polls in his support , four years ago , that Jackson had when the campaign of 1828 came on , and Cleveland when the democratic convention of 1892 was approaching. What people living along the north Atlantic coastline forget is that this fringe of states , including though it does the most populous commonwealth , contains but a small part of the Ameri can people. The whole ' 'North Atlantic division , " in the last census division of states , which comprised all of New Eng land , New York , New Jersey , and Penn sylvania , even if we throw in Delaware and Maryland for good measure , con tained in 1890 only about 80 per cent of the country's total population. Beyond the Alleghanies and south of the Potomac mac , nobody questions Bryan's popular ity as a leader. Moreover , the North Atlantic coast group of states has lost its old hold upon , . . the democratic Lost. . _ organization. For thirty years after the civil war , every democratic candidate for the presidency was selected with reference to his strength in the "doubtful states" of New York and its neighbors , Connecti cut and New Jersey. More than once democratic politicians from the South and West accepted nominees whom they did not like because they were here con sidered sure to carry these three states. This was particularly true when Cleve land came to the front in 1884 , and many of the Southern delegates person ally much preferred Bayard , Hendricks , or some other "tried and true veteran. " But this corner of the nation no longer carries its old weight in the nominating , , , , * . . convention. When Too Light. . - Bryan came East during the last presidential campaign , he spoke of "going into the enemy's country. " The masses in the South and West , who support him so enthusi astically , still regard New York state and her neighbors in this light. New York City is to them the headquarters of "plutocracy. " They abominate its influence in their own party quite as much as in the other. That Bryan was ostentatiously snubbed in Maryland the other day , through the influence of Gor man , and that almost all the bankers and business men in New York hold aloof from him now that he is here , only strengthens his hold throughout the country generally. The rank and file of the Bryanite organization would rather see McKinley re-elected than to have Bryan set aside and a so-called democrat elected who , to their minds , would run the government in the inter est of favored classes. These considerations explain Bryan's impending nomination , with the enthu siastic support of A Sure Thing. , . * * his party as a whole. His leadership id confirmed , past all possibility of shaking it off , by the fact that he is absolutely without rivals. The name of any gold democrat would be hooted out of the convention hall. The only. other politicians ever promi nent in the party , who are even "men tioned , " are Gorman and Hill Gor man , whose odious record in Maryland gave the republicans the state govern ment for four years and both the United States senatorships , and Hill , who is only a disagreeable reminiscence in New York. Bryan is thus sure of the nomination. The chances of his election constitute a different question. It is sufficient to say of that question now , that the re publican congress will greatly promote those chances if it shall endorse the ex travagant and reckless schemes which Hauna is zealously pushing in behalf of the MoKinley syndicate. New York Evening Post. This is not the suicide of desperation , rather it is the acme of intelligent self- sacrifice often for the good of others invariably for that of the individual.