The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, February 08, 1900, Page 8, Image 8

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    NO OXNARD FACTORY.
liei-t Sugar Company Will Not Establish
Plant This Year.
The Sioux City Journal of yesterday
morning contained the following : The
American Beet Sugar company , which
it was hoped would establish an immense
beet sugar factory in Sioux City , has
changed its plans in this regard and will
not build the plant this year ; perhaps it
never will build it. Henry T. Oxnard ,
of Oxnard , Cal. , president of this pow
erful beet sugar organization , has writ
ten a letter to John O. Greusel , chair
man of the manufacturers' committee
of the Sioux City Real Estate board ,
who has been conducting the negotia
tions on the part of the city. His com
munication was as follows :
American Beet Sugar Company , 82
Nassau Street , New York , Jan. 27,1900.
J. O. Greusel , Esq. , Sioux City , la.
Dear Sir : We will not locate a factory
in Iowa this year. Should the senti
ment in favor of expansion die out I
shall bo very glad to take up the subject
another year. Unless our sugar inter
ests are to be protected we will not de
velop any further. Yours very truly ,
HENRY T. OXNARD.
Until the receipt of this letter the real
estate board believed the negotiations
with the sugar company were progress
ing finely and that the prospect of the
factory being completed before next fall
was excellent. Mr. Oxnard has been
evincing much interest in the proposi
tions of the real estate board to see that
the city would give his company hand
some treatment and take care of it as
have been other large companies which
located institutions in Sioux City. Mr.
Greusel said he was uncertain what
would be the board's next move upon
Mr. Oxnard. "There is one thing cer
tain , " said Mr. Greusel , "we do not in
tend to let up on him. We believe that
Sioux City is one of the most desirable
locations in the world for a beet sugar
factory and there is small doubt that
Mr. Oxnard fully recognizes this. If
he will not recede from his present posi
tion , I think we should keep in touch
with him until the growth of his busi
ness compels expansion of the American
Beet Sugar Company. "
Mr. Bryan's re
BRYAN AND appearance in the
HRYANISM.
East , coming as he
does only a few months before the as
sembling of the democratic national con
vention , calls attention anew to the ex
traordinary position in his party which
ho occupies. He was beaten for the
presidency in 1896 by a plurality of over
600,000 ; indeed , counting the Palmer
and Buokner democrats against him , he
was in a minority of nearly three-quar
ters of a million , leaving the prohibition
ticket and the other odds and ends oul
of the account. Yet everybody of any
political sense sees that he seems today
sure of another nomination.
It is no now thing in American pol
itics for a leader who has been defeated
to retain his hold
A Fashion. . . . _
upon his party. In
the first half of the century , Jackson's
defeat by John Quincy Adams in 1824
only assured his support , this time suc
cessfully , in 1828 ; and Clay's defeat by
Jackson in 1882 did not prevent his
party from putting him in the field once
more in 1844. In more recent times it
was clear to the philosophical observer ,
from the day of Cleveland's defeat in
1888 , that he was the predestined candi
date of the democracy in 1892.
But all of these were cases where
everybody could see that the leader
Jackson , Clay ,
_ .
Giants. ,
Cleveland was a
man of unquestioned strength. Even
the Hill politicians who got up the
"snap" convention in this state , eight
years ago , knew they were "playing a
bluff game" when they gave out that
Cleveland could not carry his own state.
But the men who have in the past been
the leaders in the democratic party , the
men whose judgment up to 1896 always
carried weight in its councils , are now
practically unanimous in the belief that
Bryan is a weak candidate , and that his
second nomination will mean only an
other defeat. People note this striking
fact , and they wonder that , in the face
of it , the party should evidently be
drifting towards a second campaign un
der his leadership.
The reason that one might as well
whistle against the wind as expect to
prevent the nomi-
Thc Grip. .
nation of Bryan
next summer is because Bryan has now
precisely the same sort of hold upon the
masses which went to the polls in his
support , four years ago , that Jackson
had when the campaign of 1828 came
on , and Cleveland when the democratic
convention of 1892 was approaching.
What people living along the north
Atlantic coastline forget is that this
fringe of states , including though it
does the most populous commonwealth ,
contains but a small part of the Ameri
can people. The whole ' 'North Atlantic
division , " in the last census division of
states , which comprised all of New Eng
land , New York , New Jersey , and Penn
sylvania , even if we throw in Delaware
and Maryland for good measure , con
tained in 1890 only about 80 per cent of
the country's total population. Beyond
the Alleghanies and south of the Potomac
mac , nobody questions Bryan's popular
ity as a leader.
Moreover , the North Atlantic coast
group of states has lost its old hold upon
, . . the democratic
Lost. . _
organization. For
thirty years after the civil war , every
democratic candidate for the presidency
was selected with reference to his
strength in the "doubtful states" of
New York and its neighbors , Connecti
cut and New Jersey. More than once
democratic politicians from the South
and West accepted nominees whom they
did not like because they were here con
sidered sure to carry these three states.
This was particularly true when Cleve
land came to the front in 1884 , and
many of the Southern delegates person
ally much preferred Bayard , Hendricks ,
or some other "tried and true veteran. "
But this corner of the nation no longer
carries its old weight in the nominating
, , , , * . . convention. When
Too Light. .
-
Bryan came East
during the last presidential campaign ,
he spoke of "going into the enemy's
country. " The masses in the South
and West , who support him so enthusi
astically , still regard New York state
and her neighbors in this light. New
York City is to them the headquarters
of "plutocracy. " They abominate its
influence in their own party quite as
much as in the other. That Bryan was
ostentatiously snubbed in Maryland the
other day , through the influence of Gor
man , and that almost all the bankers
and business men in New York hold
aloof from him now that he is here ,
only strengthens his hold throughout
the country generally. The rank and
file of the Bryanite organization would
rather see McKinley re-elected than to
have Bryan set aside and a so-called
democrat elected who , to their minds ,
would run the government in the inter
est of favored classes.
These considerations explain Bryan's
impending nomination , with the enthu
siastic support of
A Sure Thing. , . * *
his party as a
whole. His leadership id confirmed , past
all possibility of shaking it off , by the
fact that he is absolutely without rivals.
The name of any gold democrat would
be hooted out of the convention hall.
The only. other politicians ever promi
nent in the party , who are even "men
tioned , " are Gorman and Hill Gor
man , whose odious record in Maryland
gave the republicans the state govern
ment for four years and both the United
States senatorships , and Hill , who is
only a disagreeable reminiscence in
New York.
Bryan is thus sure of the nomination.
The chances of his election constitute a
different question. It is sufficient to
say of that question now , that the re
publican congress will greatly promote
those chances if it shall endorse the ex
travagant and reckless schemes which
Hauna is zealously pushing in behalf of
the MoKinley syndicate. New York
Evening Post.
This is not the suicide of desperation ,
rather it is the acme of intelligent self-
sacrifice often for the good of others
invariably for that of the individual.