tf
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'Cbe Conservative.
lower wages , and to reduce the price
paid to farmers for fruits and vegeta
bles. Farmers , laborers and consumers
are the victims of this tariff-protected
combination.
The Stool nml AVI re Trust.
Let us examine one or more of these
combinations whose operations are made
possible by the tariff tax imposed Jfor its
protection. Builders , farmers , mechan
ics , and all who have occasion to us
nails or wire are deeply interested in
the American Steel and "Wire Company.
Its manager , Mr. John W. Gates , is one
of the products of the time. He is abso
lutely unconscious of any valid objec
tion to the extraction by the government
of millions of dollars from the pockets
of the people , if his business is only in
creased thereby. Last November he
appeared before the Industrial Commis
sion as a witness. Mr. John DeWitt
Warner , who has analyzed this concern
with his usual lucidity and thorough
ness , seems to be astonished that Mr.
Gates did not blush at his own admis
sions. Why should Mr. Gates blush ?
He does not know evil when he sees it.
He is of the spawn of the protective sys
tem. He is ignorant that he is making
a confession when he says that the men
dicant of which he is manager obtained
its alms under false representations. He
forgets , for the moment , that his con
cern pretends to exist for the benefit of
the country and that its protection is to
cheapen prices. He forgets that "the
tariff has nothing to do with or for
trusts , " and he admits all the accusa
tions against him and his kind with
pleasurable pride and suggests that if
the tax bearers will only permit a
further robbery to be perpetrated upon
them , in the form of a direct bounty ,
the iron-masters of the United States
will do 90 per cent of the iron and steel
trade of the world. And perhaps the
American people will be glad to contrib
ute a few more millions out of their
earnings to make the happy iron-masters
happier still.
Mr. Warner is my authority for facts
and figures which I take from his letter
recently published in this series. The
present "trust" was formed in 1899. It
succeeded other trusts. Its capital is $90-
000,000 and its assets less than $40,000-
000. It will be observed that these tariff
defended trusts always expect to make
profit enough to pay a fixed per cent , 6
or 7 , on preferred stock which repre
sents generally the full value of the bus
iness and profit , and a dividend on as
much more , or even a greater amount of
common stock. This truat has a monopoly
ely of wire rods , drawn wire , barbed
wire , wire nails , and almost controls the
manufacture of woven wire fencing , of
which it maufactured about 10,000 miles
in 1898.
Under the tariff the trust has raised
prices enormously. For example : The
average yearly "base" price of wire
nails , per keg , has increased since 1894
from $1.11 to $2.00 the present price
being $3.53 ; and the price of barbed
wire from $1.80 in 1897 to $8.17 in 1899
the present price being $4.18. The
profits of the trust run from. $8,000,000
to $15,000,000 a year , the increase of
price being nearly all profit. It has ,
however , by its increase of prices ,
greatly reduced the consumption of wire
fencing , and , in 1896 , the consumption
of cut and wire nails was reduced , by a
former trust , about 1,000,000 kegs.
While the trust raises the price of its
goods to the American farmer and me
chanic , it sells to the foreigner for much
less. In 1896 , for example , the price of
nails to foreigners was $1.30 and to
Americans $2.70. In 1899 , the retail
price to Americans was about $4.50 and
to foreigners $2.14 "base" or about $8.10
retail a keg. It was possible to buy at
export-price , ship the goods to Europe ,
bring them back and even then under
sell the trust's domestic prices. In 1899
the trust exported 51,000,000 pounds of
wire nails to its former foreign custom
ers and 215,000,000 pounds of wire.
Canadians fare a little better than our
own people , but not BO well as Europe
ans. They are too near our tariff sys
tem for that.
Trust Robbery Duo to Protection.
These are examples of the manner in
which the protected countries keep their
promise to reduce prices , once they are
"created" and "established" . It is time
to return to the issue that has been
dropped for six years , for the protected
interests are solidifying and strengthen
ing their hold on the industries of the
country. The protective system is for
private gain. It is a socialism whose
beneficiaries form a selected class. When
protection is no longer profitable it will
be abandoned , but not before with the
consent of the protected. If it is per
mitted to continue to be the economic
policy of this country , its beneficiaries
will , in the future , reap larger profits
than they have ever gained before.
They will do this through combinations
which will crush out all competition.
The tariff protects them from foreign
competition. The combination will pro
tect them from domestic competition.
The examples here given show the tyr
anny of the tariff-defended trusts the
greatest tyranny that the protective sys
tem has yet set up. Its profits are enor
mous. The protected trusts produce so
cheaply because of combination that
they can sell abroad at comparatively
low but profitable prices , but they draw
the blood sacrifice to greed from the
American consumer.
HENRY LOOMIS NELSON.
New Rochelle , N. Y. , Jan. 26,1900.
IMPERIALISM.
Numerous meanings may be given to
the word "imperialism. " In this coun
try , at present , imperialism seems to be
token the extension of national territory
by conquest. Imperialism also means
power. The most profound manifesta
tion of power is intelligent self-goverflV
ment. This is as true of nations a& otf
individuals. Another meaning of inl < - -
perialism is closely identical witfr raoni--
archy. He who is monarch af rfW he1
surveys may be said to be imperial'-
Imperialism , except in the self-goverfl'-
ment sense , is certainly not an Ameri
can characteristic. Have we arrived at
that condition to any degree to merit
self-satisfaction ? On the contrary we
have vastly degenerated from the im
perialism of the fathers 4ud are fast
adopting the imperialism of Mter d cay-
ing monarchies of Europe.
The Two Williams.
There is a striking resemblance be
tween William I. of the United States
Pan America , he would like it to be
and William III. of Germany. While
the latter proclaims himself imperial by
the grace of God , William I. of the
United States no less declares he is do
ing God's work in subjecting men and
women to slaughter , because they will
not subject themselves to his imperial
will. Both proclaim themselves serv
ants of God , and yet both assume im
perial control over the lives and property
of their subjects , equally "God's child--
ren. "
Not ChrlHtiann.
Both William I. of the United States
and William III. of Germany affirm
themselves to be Christians , and yet
Christianity is proclaimed to be a relig
ion of peace and good will among men ,
which is directly contrary to the princi
ples and example of these "War Lords. "
If "brotherly love , peace , and humility"
are Christian characteristics , it is safe to
say that there is not a Christian nation
on earth , unless it is to be found among
the Buddhists If virtue consists in self-
renunciation , as these war lord Chris
tians may claim , then they are far off
the true mark. If virtue consists in in
telligent self-government , then they are
still farther off. If a despot is one who
bleeds his subjects to the last possible
drop , then William I. of the United
States is fast appropriating that impe
rial desideratum.
Having assumed about all the meth
ods of imperial despotism in our machine
politics , it only remains to crown Wil
liam I. as the first emperor of the Unit
ed States to fill our cup of national de
generacy to the brim. While William
III. of Germany is imperial by heredity ,
the will of the people , and the grace of
God ; William I. of the United States is
imperial by treason to the constitution
and usurpation.
FRANK S. BILLINGS.
Sharon , Mass.
