B
'Cbe Conservative * By <
will find it difficult , oven twenty years
hence , to persuade them that the 19th
century is arrived. Sued they there
fore must be for the money , and , accord
ing to an established maxim in the law ,
the sooner you begin , the sooner you will
have done.
I would advise you to plead your own
cause ; no eloquence is so convincing as
that which flows from female lips.
Your adversary , conscious of the bad
ness of his cause , will have plenty of
lawyers to oppose you. They will in
sist that the 18th century cannot be
ended 'till the year 1800 is ended ; they
will tell you that this is the 1798th , and
not the 1799th year , and so forth , and
so forth , and so forth , to the end of the
chapter. In return to all which , you
will say : "Pray , what century are we
now in ? " They will answer : "The
18th to be sure. " You will then ask
them how it happens that we have con
tinued to date 17 hundred during all the
eighteenth century ? If there should be
a man of sense amongst them , he will
laugh in his sleeve ; but you will see the
young babblers stare like so many stnck
pigs. Before they have had time to re
cover , you must follow up your blow ,
and put to them the following questions :
"When did we begin to date 17 hun
dred , at the beginning or the end of the
seventeenth century ? " They will im
mediately answer : "At the end of the
seventeenth century. " "Well then , "
say you , "did we not also begin to date
1798 at the end of the 1798th year ? If
we began ( as you say we did ) to date
1798 at the beginning of 1798 year , why
did we not begin to date 18 hundred at
the beginning of the 18th century ? " At
this they will stand as mute as fishes.
You will get no answer from them.
They will , however , find their tongues
after a time , and then they'll go on
again with their saidd and soforths , and
again insist that 1800 years must expire
before 1800 years are expired ; and that
99 cannot make a hundred , and consequently
quently , and of course , 1799 cannot
make 1800 , and hence and from thence
they will draw a conclusion as clear as
daylight that , to attain 1800 years we
must arrive at 1800. With about nine-
tenths of the jury the force of this
eosoning will be irresistible ; but , if
there be amongst them any man of a
Bound understanding and a clear con
science , he will remain locked up 'till
he has gnawed off his hands , before he
will give a verdict against you.
With the best wishes for the success
of your cause , I remain , my dear Violet ,
Your most obedient ,
And most humble servant ,
P. PORCUPINE. "
The commeroial
. . . , . . . . .
citizenship of the
American republic frettoth not itself
about forms of government. Whether
it 'oe republic , despotic or imperial few
rrIT f iiumi
care if they bo only permitted to pursue
and bag the blythe and attractive , the
fat and the seductive golden dollar. It
is money for them individually , that is
appreciated , by those who have been
warped and twisted by the heat of gain
ful pursuits.
° f *
A NBW MOVEMENT. f
non-partisan con
gressional conference in Washington
which recently met with the representa
tives of the A uti-Imperialist Leoguowas
the formation of a committee which
drew up the following resolution. It
has been presented in the senate and the
house. Support from members of both
parties has been pledged to it.
RESOLVED : First. That in the words
of the declaration of independence :
"We hold these
Resolution. . , . , . ,
truths to be self-
evident , that all men are created equal ;
that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights ; that
among these are life , liberty and the
pursuit of happiness. That to secure
these rights governments ar instituted
among men , deriving their just ] powers
from the consent of the governed. That
whenever any form of government be
comes destructive of these ends , it is the
right of the people to alter or abolish it ,
and to institute new government , laying
its foundation on such principles and
organizing its powers in such formas _ to
them shall seem most likely to effect
their safety and happiness. "
Second. That under the constitution
of the United States the federal govern
ment has no power to rule over colonial
dependencies , bub is restricted in its
operations to states as , integral.'parts of
the union and to territories intended for
future states.
Third. That the expansion of our
commerce has not been and cannot be
dependent upon the adoption of a policy
of imperialism involving the subjuga
tion and annexation of Asiatic colonies ,
but would in the end be hindered by
such a policy.
Fourth. That we are opposed to the
retention of the Philippine islands by
the United States ; and we assure the
Filipinos of our purpose to congent
to their independence as soon as a stable
government shall be established by them ;
and toward the prompt establishment of
such government we pledge our friendly
assistance. EUVING WINSLOW ,
Eastern secretary of the American
Anti-Imperialist League and secretary
of the New England Anti-Imperialist
League.
"If we seek first our own profit , we
will create chaos in the Philippines , "
quotes the Buffalo Express ( rep. ) from
a recent address in that city by Jacob
G. Schurman , and asks : "Why not
put in the past tense , Mr. Sohurman ?
Why not say we did seek first our own
profit and have created chaos there ? "
THE PRAYER OF THE BOER.
[ "Somo trust in chariots , and some in horses ;
but wo will remember the name of .Tohovah
our God , " Psalms 20:7. ]
Lord God of Hosts 1 Whoso potent will
Wholm'd Pharaoh's chariots in the sea ,
And saved Thy chosen people , still
Protect the men who trust in Theo.
When in dismay Elijah fled
To Horeb , and implored to die
Because Thy servants all wore dead ,
Thou answered his despairing cry
By summoning the waiting hosts ,
Ready at Thy command to speed
In executing Thy behests
Of righteous wrath or loving deed.
Then mustered fast Thy faithful ones ,
And soon , Thy prophet awed and still ,
Learned that Thou necdst not the sons
Of men to carry out Thy will.
Thy lightnings flashed , Thy thunders roared ,
And Horob to its rocky base
Trembled and quaked as if Thy word
Might its foundation firm efface.
God of Sabbath ! Lot thine arm
Still shelter those who trust in Theo ;
Defeat our foes , and save from harm
Our land , and keep our nation free.
*
A HESUKRECTION. .
illustration of the
ups and downs of politics that Mr.
Allen of Nebraska should have returned
to a seat in the senate yesterday , having
lost only about a fortnight of the session ,
although his career at Washington ap
peared to have ended when his term
expired on the 4th of March last. The
death of the republican who was chosen
by the legislature which was elected in
1898 , and the fact that a populist secured
the governorship as a result of the same
election , combine to give at least a year
of the office to a man who was supposed
to have lost it for good and all. Some
of the "constitutional "
lawyers" in Ne
braska brought out an extraordinary
theory last week which was to result in
Mr. Allen's exclusion. Mr. Hayward ,
the republican elected by the legisla
ture last winter , had not taken the oath
of office as senator ; therefore , urged
these pundits , ho was not a senator at
the time of his death , and his death
did not create a vacancy in the office
such as the constitution authorizes the
governor to fill. Of course the senate
paid no attention to so ridiculous a
quibble. Governor Poyntor , however ,
showed how little regard the populist
politician pays to the constitution of the
United States by giving Mr. Allen
credentials which professed to authorize
his filling the vacancy until the next
legislature shall make an election ,
whereas the provision is explicit that
such a temporary appointment shall hold
only "until the next meeting of the
legislature. " New York Evening Post ,
Deo. 20 , 1899.
Perhaps the Post thinks that the popu
list executive of the best hog and steer
producing commonwealth in the repub
lic is subject to constitutional limita
tions and restrictions ?
