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About The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 14, 1899)
JfeL JM VOL. II. NEBRASKA CITY , NEB. , THURSDAY , DECEMBER 14 , 1899. NO. 23. PUBLISHED WEEKLY. OFFICES : OVERLAND THEATRE BLOCK. J. STERLING MORTON , Euiion. A JOCHNAL DEVOTED TO TUB DISCUSSION Or POLITICAL , ECONOMIC AND SOCIOLOGICAL QUESTIONS. CIRCULATION THIS WEEK 7,083 COPIES. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. One dollar and a half per year , in advance , postpaid , to any part of the United States or Canada. Remittances made payable to The Morton Printing Company. Address , THE CONSERVATIVE , Nebraska City , Neb. Advertising Rates made known upon appli cation. Entered at the postofflce at Nebraska City , Neb. , aa Second Class matter , July 20th , 1898. Whafc is the con' AMERICAN INDUSTRIES.spionous fact now revealed in the in dustrial situation of the world ? Is it not this : Go where you may , visit the neighborhood of nations , take all the time yon need , examine their history , listen to their traditions , and enquire : At what time existed the most general distribution of comfort and luxuries among the people of the earth ? Will not the answer be : Now ? Another question : In the closing days of the 19th century , where was found the greatest abundance of these things and the most general distribution ? Will not the answer be : In the United States ? Looking impartially upon those engaged and arrayed in this industrial dispute , and knowing them and their methods of business , of whom shall we take counsel ? Of the progressive , or of the re trogressive ? Of the thrifty , or the im provident ? _ Of the active , or the indolent ? In the letters and TUEINDE- PENDENTS. John Murry Forbes , edited by his daughter , Sarah Forbes Hughes , and published by Houghton , Miilliu & Co. , of Boston and New York , THE CONSERVATIVE finds on page 209 , of volume II , the following : 'Having got entirely free from the shackles of party , by voting for Cleve land on each of the campaigns when he was a candidate I find myself left free to give what influence I can to whichever * ever party seems most likely to carry into effect the two important practical issues which seem to me now before the country , civil service reform , and still more , a readjustment of the tariff ; and , \ S t. iV. . of course , to vote , without regard for party , for the candidate in each federal , state or local election who seems to me most creditable. " That personal platform made by Mr. Forbes for his own patriotism and guidance is good enough for any good citizen who belongs to his country in stead of belonging to a party. Party organizations become corrupt by long leases of power. Democratic power , entrenched behind Tammany in New York , is reeking with rottenness. Re publican rings hold Philadelphia in their putrescent grip and rifle the pockets of tax-payers so adroitly and thoroughly that Croker and his disciples are green with envy. Platt-Crokerism in New York , Quay- ism in Pennsylvania and Goebelism hybridized on Bryaniam in Kentucky teach citizens who have taxes to pay the importance of independent thought and independent action in political affairs. If the republic is to be per petuated and civil and religious liberty to be preserved it must be by indepen dently thinking and voting Americans. Branding a man democrat or branding him republican does not change his nature nor transform his character. The party process of making voters with party brands , as ranchmen identify their cattle on the plains , does not tell what kind of a man the wearer of the brand may be whether honest and able , or dishonest and weak-minded any more than the mark on a steer tells what breed he is and whether in beef he will prove succulent and tender or un palatable and tough. There are compe tent and honest men in all political parties. Out of such men who , like John M. Forbes , can see and criticise with courage , wrong-doings by their own party must be developed the inde pendent vote of the United States a vote absolutely necessary to preserve a popular form of government to our posterity. OCTOPUS KIIXERS. KIIXERS.valorous hunters pursuing the mighty Octopus in the jungles of plutocracy , none outranks Attorney General Smyth of Nebraska. His charge upon the silver smelter octo pus has no parallel in courage and skill. That mastodon of monopolies will soon be slaughtered and its stuffed hide adorn the economic museum of Mr. Smyth. Beside it the carcass of the Standard Oil Octopus is a mere mouse. s issue of THE ir AM MASON. CONSERVATIVE contains a beautiful tree-conserving lesson - son in musical rhythm. It is thoroughly appreciated by the arborioultural editor and will meet with a great welcome among the lovers of trees , woodlands and forests everywhere. Mr. Mason can do a splendid service with his facile pen in behalf of tree saving , tree plant ing and the reafforestation of the country. He is cordially welcomed to THE CONSERVATIVE and its band of crusaders in behalf of groves and orch ards , woodlands , forests and roadside trees. The advocates IGNORANCE IN FINANCE. of the free coin age of silver at the ratio of 1C to 1 are , as a rule , ignorant of all economic science and especially densely and superbly lacking in the power of diligent investigation. Their fight against the gold standard is for a prejudice. Reasoning against a pre judice is like fighting a shadow ; it ex hausts the reasoner without visibly af fecting the prejudice. Arguments can not do the work of instruction any more than blows can take the place of sun light. Let the reasouers have the gold stand ard. Prejudice will then war against the immutable. It cannot , however , destroy it nor harm it even a little. TERROR OF T = f TRUSTS.TIVE nas rea < * wln profound interest and satisfaction a pamphlet on "trusts" . It ' ' ' The by Henry Apthorp. is'jssued by Common Sense Publishing Co. " , Lock Box 14 , Cleveland , Ohio , and single copies can be purchased for ten cents. Mr. Apthorp remarks on his first page : "It appears to be a conflict between those who do loud talking and those who do quiet thinking. Clergymen , editors and professors and nearly all other classes of teachers , and most of the politicians , now spend a great share of their time in talking and writing against 'the prisoner at the bar. ' These men go on using violent words and the trusts go on making useful things. Some of the words cost more than some of the things. I paid five cents to ride four miles on a warm , electric car to reach a cold hall , . , , . < and then paid fifty cents admission to hear an anti-trust talk. "