The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, December 07, 1899, Image 1

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    CDC. Conservative
- / :
* Kr
One dollar and a half per year , in advance ,
postpaid , to any part of the United States or
Canada. Remittances made payable to The
Morton Printing Company.
Address , THE CONSERVATIVE , Nebraska
City , Neb.
Advertising Rates made known upon appli
Entered at the postofflce at Nebraska City
Neb. , as Second Class matter , July 20th , 1808.
democrats who re
pudiated President Cleveland and his
strong and brave advocacy of the gold
standard should now look back to the
beginning of their recusancy. At its
initiation the republicans , who had
sense , observed the path for that organ
ization to take. They saw that sound
money would win out even to the
White House in 1896. They adopted
the monetary views of the Cleveland
administration ; they picked up the solid
truths in finance , which a misled
democracy had repudiated , and with
those truths at the front won the presi
dency over Bryanarchy.
Before doing this wise thing , however ,
the republican leaders did a wiser one ;
they ignored the silver fallacies of
Allison , Sherman and McKiuley. Each
one of those distinguished republicans
had spoken for a silver-favoring cur
rency. Mr. MoKinley , while a con
gressman , had voted to pass the Bland-
Allison act over the logical and patriotic
veto of President Hayes. After that ,
between the years 1893 and 1897 , at
various places , McKiuley assaulted
President Cleveland for his attitude
antagonizing the free coinage of silver
at 1(5 ( to 1. But the leaders of the re
publicans shut out from view all these
records of Allison , Sherman , McKinley
and other prominent shouters for silver
who voted for and advocated the Bland-
Allison abomination of 1878.
Hanna and other sagacious men of
affairs sent to the rear the records and
personal efforts of all republicans who
had ever been tainted with money
Among the records thus buried from
sight not one was more pronouncedly
pro-silver than that of William MoKin-
ey. But he renounced his record , his
exhortations , his faith , and accepted a
nomination for the presidency on a
olatform which proclaimed unequivo
cally the gold standard the gold stand
ard which Grover Cleveland adhered to ,
which near-sighted democrats rejected
and shallow , callow statesmen con
demned. Upon that gold standard plat
form McKinley was elected , notwith
standing that up to the day of his
nomination his record had been as pro-
silver as the record of Eichard Bland.
The democrats of the South whom
Grover Cleveland emancipated and re
stored to citizenship the democrats of
the West and Northwest whom ho
encouraged and strengthened and who ,
after all that , followed off the vagaries
and fallacies of Bryanarchy , can now
look back and observe what egregious
fools they have been as mere partisans
and what colossal blunderers as patriots !
Look back , and during the four years of
the second administration of Grover
Cleveland , behold lost opportunities-
opportunities for successful partisan
organization and for patriotic endeavor ;
opportunities rejected , thrown away by
the leading knaves and prominent fools
of the then democratic party , then in
Q per.
sonal regard for
many manly traits which characterize
Walter Wellman , arctic explorer and
Times-Herald correspondent at Wash
ington. But Wellman becomes an
illrnan when he attempts to belittle
Grover Cleveland because he as presi
dent of the United States sent advisory
messages to Congress in accordance with
the Constitution , which among other
duties of the President , provides that
( see Article 2 Section 3) ) : "He shall
from time to time give to the Congress
information of the state of the Union ,
and recommend to their consideration
such measures as ho shall judge neces
sary and expedient. "
In his November 80 , 1899 , letter Mr.
Wellman remarks to the readers of the
Times-Herald :
"I hear that the President's message
is not to be a sensational or 'leading
paper. By this is meant that he has
few definite suggestions to make to
congress. He narrates the events of the
year , gives information , and leaves
the initiative to congress. As a history
of the past year the country will find the
uessage clear and admirable. If the
country expects to read in it much of de
finite plans for solving the money
) roblems with which the government is
confronted it will be disappointed.
Why should the President imitate one
of his predecessors , Grover Cleveland by
name , and try to put congress in leading
strings in his message ? Our lawmakers
never like much of that sort of thing
From the executive end of the avenue.
Besides , it is fortunate that just at this
time there are easier ways for the Presi
dent to secure desired results at the
mpitol. For the first time in years the
house and senate and the executive
mansion are sure to work well together.
As these things are done nowadays the
message is for the country. There are
other avenues of communication with
The fact that McKinley "has few
definite suggestions to make to congress"
will astound nobody. "Definite sugges
tions" from an indefinite individuality
are not expected. Again , saith Well
man : "If the country expects to read in
it much of definite plans for solving the
money problems with which the govern
ment is confronted it will be disap
pointed. "
After the promise to establish and
maintain the gold standard , made by
the republican candidate of 1896 , and
asserted by his party in national con
vention , the country , if it did not know
MoKinley as an original free silver man
who voted in 1878 to pass the Blond-
Allison abomination over the veto of
President Hayes might rationally have
expected "definite plans for solving the
money problems. " But no posted per
son , who knows the oleaginous smooth
ness and perfect neuter-genderism of
the unctuous and truly pious McKinley ,
expected anything straightout , and np-
aud-up , either on the money questioner
or any other question. An executive
Pecksniff or Ohadbaud will never "imi
tate Grover Cleveland" and "try to put
congress in leading strings. " No clam
will over successfully imitate a locomo
tive and a whole train of cars attached
"Our law-makers never like much of
that sort of thing from the executive
end of the avenue. " That is true.
Many law-makers like nothing which
the constitution of the United States
provides for. But when Wellmau criti
cises Cleveland for having , under his
oath of office , obeyed the constitution ,
he appears an ill man.